May I recommend to those now eager to despair of the Republic, the=20 first couple of paragraphs of Federalist Paper No. 1. Hamilton (writing=20= as "Publius") begins with a challenge to his readers, > > It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to=20= > the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide=20 > the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or=20= > not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or=20 > whether they are forever destined to depend for their political=20 > constitutions on accident and force. Almost immediately, however, he introduces a note of caution, > If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are=20 > arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that=20 > decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act=20= > may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune=20= > of mankind. The great experiment may fail, and the reasons are clear, > This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of=20 > patriotism to heighten the solicitude which all considerate and good=20= > men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be=20= > directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, unperplexed=20 > and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good.=20 > ***But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than seriously to be=20= > expected***[emphasis added]. The plan offered to our deliberations=20 > affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local=20= > institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects=20 > foreign to its merits, and of views, passions, and prejudices little=20= > favorable to the discovery of truth. But Hamilton's purpose is not the wailing and moaning of those who=20 despair. If it were, the Federalist Papers would end with this page and=20= the American Constitution would not be regarded as one of the great=20 works of political statesmanship. What I find refreshing about reading the Federalist Papers is that the=20= authors are fully aware that human motives are various, and that cool,=20= objective, public-spirited reason is constantly contending with greed,=20= ambition, and factional loyalty, a situation in which only the=20 hopelessly naive will expect that the announcement of a clear and=20 simple idea manifestly in the public interest will always carry the=20 day. There is a deep realization here that democracy is a messy=20 business and that no set of rulers whatsoever, whether royal,=20 patrician, or plebian in origin, should be expected to behave in ways=20 universally regarded as True, Beautiful, and Good. That is why the remainder of the Federalist Papers and the Constitution=20= they defend are concerned not with what voters or their representatives=20= may think but rather with what they can do=81\ with, in other words,=20 constructing a system of checks and balances that prevents ambition,=20 greed, and factional loyalty from getting too far out of hand. Reason=20 is given a chance. Its victory is not assured. There is also a proper note of caution concerning the motives that we=20 attribute both to our political opponents and ourselves. First, the=20 opponents, > I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve=20 > indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men (merely because=20 > their situation might subject them to suspicion) into interested or=20 > ambitious views. Candor will oblige us to admit that even such men may=20= > be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted that much=20= > of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make=20= > its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least if not=20 > respectable--the honest errors of minds led astray be preconceived=20 > jealousies and fears. Now us, on the right side, as we perceive it, > Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many=20 > other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well=20= > upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a=20 > question. Are the institutions that the Founders created perfect? Of course not.=20= But who among us would prefer the institutions of imperial Rome in the=20= era depicted in "I Claudius"? Or those of the German States during the=20= Thirty Years War? Or those of imperial China when a dynasty was falling=20= apart? Do we really believe the astonishing claim, based on a highly=20 tendentious reading of a mere couple of recent decades of North=20 American history, that we already live in this sort of society? Can our rulers make stupid mistakes, be motivated by simplistic and=20 clearly erroneous ideas, and take actions with catastrophic=20 consequences? Clearly the answer is "Yes." It has ever been so,=20 throughout human history. Does any other system of government offer a=20 better hope of correction than a democratic republic in which their=20 errors can be recognized and the perpetrators voted out of office? I await a convincing answer, and Philosopher Kings, Omniscient=20 Computers, and similar fantasies will not do. ------------------------------------------------------------------ To change your Lit-Ideas settings (subscribe/unsub, vacation on/off, digest on/off), visit www.andreas.com/faq-lit-ideas.html