[lit-ideas] Re: "A right and an obligation"

  • From: Jlsperanza@xxxxxxx
  • To: lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
  • Date: Sun, 7 Apr 2013 00:50:09 -0400 (EDT)

In a message dated 4/7/2013 2:24:07 A.M. UTC-02, rpaul@xxxxxxxx quotes  
someone's statement:

"It may require some Griceian reformulation or symbolisation,  in  terms of 
operators, of the deontic kind, of the volitive (conative,   desiderative) 
type" 
 
and writes:

>I was just thinking that very thing!


Well, yes. For consider some of R. Paul's examples, below.

R. Paul is pulling, metaphorically, my leg, because, like Grice, he  thinks 
that formalisation can only obscure a problem, especially when you right  
translucid prose as R. Paul and Grice do.
 
But yet. 

R. Paul:

"I'm not clear about the relative badness of the two. Surely, no  country 
wants to be governed by a bad [person] (corrupt, ineffectual,  
megalomaniacal sex 
abuser)"
 
I'm not sure this is easy to symbolise, for R. Paul, like Grice, is using  
'want' as a conative, volitive, operator, as applied to a collective unity 
(a  country). "What the country wants" as opposed to really willing or 
wanting  agents do.
 
"Want" is perhaps a strange Scandinavian word: "the floor needs sweeping",  
"the floor wants sweeping". Surely the floor has no right and obligations 
which  are grounded, for people like Grice and Prichard ("does morality rest 
on a  mistake -- on interest?") in things like desires, but never _wants_. 
 
"but you say that neither of the candidates 'seems quite right,' 
which  is hardly damning criticism. (A painting hung upside down, vs. one 
whose  frame needs just a touch to set it straight.) So, suppose that a 
totally  corrupt person were running against someone whose only 'flaw' 
was that he  had a very bad memory and sometimes had trouble recalling 
what he'd just  said. Here there would seem to be a difference that 
mattered."
 
Exactly. 

R. Pau goes on:
 
"Surely that one has a right to do something does not entail that one is  
under an obligation to do it; this could hardly be a general principle.  
In the American South before the War Between the States, certain people  
had a right to own slaves. They did not, simply in virtue of this right,  
have an obligation to own slaves. Moral worth is not coextensive with  
legality. The Nuremberg laws surely reveal this."
 
While I applaud the use of subscripts here: 'moral right', 'legal right',  
i.e. right-m, right-l, I'm not sure this solves the paradox proposed by Omar 
 ("surely if I have a right NOT do it, I cannot be damned for failing an  
obligation to do it" -- paraphrasing him.
 
In the case of the slave-owing agent, the use of "D" for desire may  help.
 
"Certain people had a right to own slaves".
 
Again, the use of 'right' here may need a specification of context. Call  
him "Jones".

Jones had a right to own slaves.
 
Hart, following Grice, calls this an external 'right'. There is an  
external, legalistic, reading, where it makes sense to say that
 
Jones had a right-l to own slaves.
 
This is yet different from
 
Jones had a right-m to own slaves (where 'm' is moral). Aristotle may  
disagree. But then again, it is not yet clear how this relates to  'desire'.
 
Baker, like Grice, think that 'ought' reduces or cashes out in 'desire' in  
an iterative way.
 
What Jones desires may not matter, but a rational agent cannot DESIRE  to 
DESIRE what is morally impermissible. Grice turns this into  a biconditional, 
so that duty indeed cashes out in a rational agent's  iterated desire that 
grounds action A. It is a sort of universalisability canon  for actions.

"Rained all day in this corner of Northwestern Oregon. It's OK with the  
local government if I rake the fallen cherry petals in my yard; but
I  won't be fined or arrested if I don't."
 
I think Grice discusses this in terms of 'indifference', which he relates  
to 'truth-value gaps' in alethic logic. Surely, 'the king of France is not  
bald', when there is no King of France, is TRUE rather than  
neither-true-nor-false, as Strawson wanted. And similarly, 'the king of France  
is bald' is 
FALSE under the same circumstances.
 
Similarly, Grice hods, in "Aspects of reason", that one danger of extended  
deontic formalisms is the inability to understand scenarios, as that 
proposed by  R. Paul above, where, things are "OK with the local government" 
(or 
my moral  consciousness), but "I won't be fined or arrested if I don't" (nor 
criticised by  my moral consciousness, again).
 
Cheers,
 
Speranza
 
 
 
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