Continuing with our examination of Grice's Nachlass on the formalisation of number and gender ('ey'), R. Paul writes: >After considering two of JL's formulations, of 'When a man is tired of London, >he is tired of life,' I wrote: >Maybe this is unnecessarily heavy going. >'Tired of London' is a singular predicate (the 'of' doesn't introduce a new >predicate: e.g.: 'Sea of Japan' doesn't mean 'is a sea and is of Japan'). I agree. But tetrapyloctomically, I would distinguish between 'introducing a predicate' and 'introducing a _term_'. I'm not sure the 'of' of "tired of" behaves like the 'of' of "sea of": the 'of' of 'tired of' can be replaced, I think, by 'by' ("tired by London") whereas it does not seem to make sense to speak of the sea by Japan. But let that be. >So, we >can just write >(x) (Tx -->Lx) 'For all x, if x is tired of London, x is tired of life.' Again, in my view that the predicate is the _dyadic_ predicate "... to be tired _by_ ...", that would allow us to retain the _same_ dyadic predicate -- which I think is Johnson's point in the dictum ('repetition'): (x) (T(x, London) -> T(x, life)) Alternatively, one can try the word 'tire', and invert the order of the terms: (x)(T(London, x) -> T(life, x)) read: "When London tires x, life tires x". R. Paul's own paraphrase goes: >(If anything is tired of London it is tired of life.) >Of course, Johnson wrote 'man,' so we might write, for clarity >(x) [Mx-->(Tx -->Lx)] >where Mx means 'x is a man' >thus leaving it open that women and children although tired of London may not >yet be tired of life. Exactly, and I think this rephrases quite well Johnson's intention. -- in a way the 'anythingarian' view ("if anything is tired of London, it is tired of life") does not? >The x in 'for all x,' and 'for some x' is a variable that unless bound ranges >over any conceivable object or state of affairs, and is only given a 'gender' >when it falls under an appropriate predicate, such as 'stallion' or 'mare.' This reminds me of Hungerford's concern, as aired recently: "Why do we feel so anxious? Even quite small children ask if our dog is a boy or a girl." with boys being statistically more interested? Hungerford's case is especially tricky, for we have _bitch_ for 'female dog' (or female 'hound', strictly, for 'dog' is _masculine_ dog). (Incidentally, I think people feel particularly anxious about _certain_ animals, dogs rather than flies -- or amoebae? Why would that be? Paul continues: >So >there's no need to try to express in logical notation a grammatical infelicity >which that notation does not commit us to. I agree with R. Paul that _gender_ is, as he puts it, a 'grammatical infelicity'. I'm less sure I want to agree about _number_ being _ditto_. Warnock said (in 'Metaphysics in Logic') that the following is valid: Nietzsche (and Nietzsche alone) was a Nietzschean philosopher ___________________________________________________________ Therefore, some philosophers are Nietzschean. and (this become relevant below) Therefore: someone (some_body_) is a Nietzschean philosopher. Therefore: some_thing_ is a Nietzschean philosopher In Warnock's view (and mine), 'some' does not _entail_ plurarity ("Some party we had yesterday!" does not entail we had just _one_), etc. On the other hand, adding '-one' ("Someone is watching you") _does_ entail singularity -- but that's because of the '-one', not the 'some-'. R. Paul notes: >I did not know that in writing this I was rehearsing something that Stephen >Pinker seems to be trying to say in The Language Instinct (Chapter 12, 'The >Language Mavens') http://www.crossmyt.com/hc/linghebr/s-pinker.html> Thanks for the link. >namely: Pinker's Quote: >'everyone' and 'they' are not an "antecedent" and a "pronoun" referring to the >same person in the world, which would force them to agree in number. They are a >"quantifier" and a "bound variable," a different logical relationship." (1) Everyone returned to their seats >means (2) For all x, x returned to x's seat. >The "X" does >not refer to any particular person or group of people; it is simply a >placeholder that keeps track of the roles that players play across different >relationships. In this case, the X that comes back to a seat is the same X that >owns the seat that X comes back to.' --- end of Pinker's quote. Paul comments: >The first part of this may seem right. >'Everyone,' (and 'anyone') might appear >to [be] treated in propositional logic as 'for all...,' >just as 'any,' 'all,' and 'every,' are; but is this >really so? Logic doesn't provide uncontroversial >translation rules for putting ordinary language into >formal notation, and Pinker's confidence in his >reading of 'everyone,' is unjustified. Surely >'everyone' might equally well be 'translated' as >'for all...where...is a >person.' Or equally _wrong_, you mean? If someone likes a treat, it does not mean a _person_ -- it can be a _dog_. Or would you use 'some_body_' in that case? (cf. Spanish 'alguien', 'algo', 'algUNO' -- and the equivalent French expressions J. Evans should be familiar with). R. Paul continues: >For example, 'anyone,' if translated as (x) [i.e.,'for all x'] would >make it impossible to distinguish between (x) (Tx implies Lx) >where 'Tx' is 'x is a table', and Lx = x has legs, and (x) Fx implies Nx >where Fx = speaks French and >Nx = speaks a natural language >so that we could write >'If anyone is a table, then...,' which verges on nonsense >(unless it is said by way of organizing the >actors in a school play, for instance). Well, I'm not sure about that point. It certainly does not hold in Tamil. As far as English is concerned, it seems that 'anyone' did not _mean_, etymologically, 'any one _person_': for one, 'person' is a Latinism. It couldn't mean, either, 'any one _body_' -- and what's a 'body'? -- for 'body' is Low Dutch. And the Anglo-Saxons were using 'anyone' BEFORE the items 'person' or 'body' were introduced in their lexicon. So I take it that, literally, there is no connotation or entailment to the effect that 'anyone' implies something _spiritual_, if that's Paul's point (although, what's _spiritual_ about 'body' in 'Has anybody here seen Kelly?'). R. Paul concludes his interesting post: >What I'm trying to say is that if you treat 'everyone' ('anyone') >merely as a quantifier (all) and a bound variable (x), you'll still >be faced with the awkwardness of distinguishing (in notation) >between 'anyone' and 'anything,' >which, although not easy to do there may still have a point outside logic. Mmm. Will think about it. One small problem here -- with distinguishing between 'anything' and 'anyone' -- is something of a Hornian (after L. Horn) scalar implicature: <anyone, anything> <someone, something> i.e. there is an _implicature_ (thus cancellable and defeasible) that if x is someone, x is not something. Surely the class of something includes as a proper subset the class of someone's? Back to the logical niceties of plural, it should be pointed out that while we say 'something', we don't say 'allthingS', but 'everything' -- suggesting that 'every' is not really 'all', but 'each'? (Cf. "When everyman is tired of London, _he_ is tired of life"). Cheers, JL ------------------------------------------------------------------ To change your Lit-Ideas settings (subscribe/unsub, vacation on/off, digest on/off), visit www.andreas.com/faq-lit-ideas.html