Here's O'Brien on British Hegemony (sumarised by Niall Ferguson) >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>. Having defined "hegemony," the next question becomes which of the two states, the United Kingdom or the United States, was more hegemonic? In the book's introduction -- a tour de force of truly magisterial scope and penetration -- O'Brien gives an unequivocal answer: the United States. To be sure, the United Kingdom had a moment of "hyperpower" in the immediate aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, when, as one Prussian general noted, it was "mistress of the sea. ... Neither in this dominion nor in world trade has she now a single rival to fear." Yet the United Kingdom was never truly hegemonic in the century that followed. <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20030901fareviewessay82512/niall-ferguson/hegemony-or-empire.html Here's Bill Kristol -- from the discussion I posted (the transcript's clearly pretty poor, but I think we can get the idea) >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> (what I got from reading Kagan's book)... I mean at no point, let's say the 30 years from 1785 to 1815, I would say at no point in those 30 years could any sensible, irrational person have predicted what the world would look like, what the international political situation would have been five years hence, or maybe even three years hence. <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< Judy Evans, Cardiff ----- Original Message ----- From: Simon Ward To: lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx Sent: Monday, August 14, 2006 6:01 PM Subject: [lit-ideas] Re: France, a Rogue State in 1801-05 Lawrence, "...most Napoleonic historians emphasize military actions and ignore the political." There's a reason for this and a simple one, Napoleon's use of international politics was secondary to his use of military force. To say that his handling of politics, in the shape of treaties, was deficient, is to miss the point that these treaties were, for the most part, designed to be so unsupportive and inflexible that the only consequence would be renewed military action. Indeed, the same tactic was open to states opposing Napoleon. For example: "...[Count von Haugwitz] was compelled to be the bearer of proposals of mediation, which were in reality but a thinly veiled ultimatum...which sounded the death knell of nuetrality." (F.Loraine Petre Napoleon's Conquest of Prussia 1806). As far as Britain was concerned, she never even bothered with treaties as far as Napoleonic France was concerned. The two countries were in a state of war from start to finish and the only political methods employed were those that sought to advance the military. "In fact, Kagan says, this is a problem with military histories in general. At West Point there is very little emphasis upon the political and he thinks that cost us in Iraq. Military officers are now getting a crash course in politics. Military Historians at West Point have bent over backwards in the past to avoid politics because Military Officers are supposed to be neutral. But deficiencies in the handling of political matters in Iraq are apparently causing some to rethink this." To me this is a roundabout way of saying that the Politicians screwed up Iraq. Nothing to do with inadequate military planning or the lack of anticipation regarding insurgencies after the main campaign, it was just that the political arrangements were at fault. It also points towards Kagan trying to find historical parallels that he can fit into his view of the world. Interesting that he should use something from the Napoleonic era rather than something more classical. You provide a selective quote from O'Brian. Try the following, the authors concluding paragraph: "In retrospect most of the advantages enjoyed by the monarchs and aristocrats who took over the state after the deposition of James II look path dependent. They flowed from geographical endowments; the detachment of the Tudor and Stuart regimes from geopolitics, the unintended consequences of civil war and above all from the fiscal sclerosis that afflicted Britain's major competitors on the mainland between 1649 and 1815. Fortunately the inexorable onset of that very same disease (that clearly infected Britain's fiscal and financial system for several decades after Waterloo) did not seriously compromise the states exercise of British hegemony for more than a century before the Great War - basically because the final struggle against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France had exhausted the will and fiscal capacities of Britain's rivals to challenge its imperial, economic and geopolitical position in the world economy." Though open to interpretation, this suggests to me that prior to 1815 (indeed prior to the Napoleonic Wars), Britain was just one of a number of competitors for the position of Hegemon within a colonial framework. After 1815, with it's major competitors hamstrung by the defeat of Napoleon, Britain stood alone. Thus, Napoleon wasn't attacking a world order with Britain as Hegemon. Indeed it might be argued that he was using military means to create a position for France (under certain political constraints following the revolution) within a given framework. You say that Britain was the: 'Hegemonic guarantor of the World Order of the day "in struggles for hegemony at sea, for colonies and for dominant shares of international trade in commodities and services."' Yet it makes no sense to conflate O'Brian with your additional words, because, prior to 1805, Britain was just one of a number of competing interests seeking to gain colonies. Britain could not be said to have been the guarantor within a system from which, if she could have held sway, she would have excluded the competing interests. After 1815 of course, the relative strengths had altered significantly and until WW1, Pax Britannia held sway. Simon