[nasional_list] [ppiindia] Pornografi: Perangsang dan Pedoman yang Sempurna Bagi Pemerkosa
- From: A Nizami <nizaminz@xxxxxxxxx>
- To: Indonesia Raya <indonesiaraya@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>, sabili <sabili@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>, ppiindia@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx, Saksi <saksi@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>, padhang-mbulan <padhang-mbulan@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Sun, 19 Feb 2006 21:26:18 -0800 (PST)
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http://informasi-beasiswa.blogspot.com **Berikut artikel tentang analisa
Feminis mengenai
perkosaan massal di Bosnia oleh Darius Rejali yang
saya temukan di situs Reed College.
Di antaranya:
Yugoslavia adalah negara sosialis yang paling bebas
peredaran pornografinya.
Pornografi menempatkan wanita sebagai seks obyek
(bukan manusia lagi) yang bisa ?dipakai? begitu saja.
Pornografi adalah alat perangsang dan pedoman sempurna
sekaligus untuk perkosaan massal.
Di kamp tahanan perkosaan selalu dipertunjukkan di
depan penonton pria sebagai pertunjukan pornografi.
Sebagian perkosaan bukan hanya dilakukan di depan
umum, tapi juga difilmkan menggunakan teknologi video.
Catherine MacKinnon analyzes the Bosnian rapes by
focusing on the place that pornography occupied in the
former Yugoslavia. MacKinnon notes that in Yugoslavia,
pornographic products were more common than any other
socialist country. "When pornography is this normal a
whole population of men is primed to dehumanize women
and to enjoy inflicting assault sexually...Pornography
is the perfect preparation - motivator and instruction
manual in one- for the sexual atrocities ordered in
this genocide." MacKinnon notes that rapes in
detention camps always involved performing for a male
audience, just as in pornographic shows. Some of the
rapes were not only performed publicly but filmed
using video technology. These films were sold as
pornographic products, since they were
indistinguishable from the real thing.
Reed College
After Feminist Analyses of Bosnian Violence
Darius Rejali is the author of Torture and Modernity;
Self, Society and State in Modern Iran. He teaches
political philosophy and comparative politics at Reed
College. April 24, 1996
Copyright (c) 1996 by Darius Rejali, all rights
reserved. This text may be used and shared in
accordance with the fair-use provisions of U.S.
copyright law, and it may be archived and
redistributed in electronic form, provided that the
editors are notified and no fee is charged for access.
Archiving, redistribution, or republication of this
text on other terms, in any medium, requires the
consent of the author and the notification of Peace
Review at watkinsr@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
As events in Bosnia unfolded, American feminists found
themselves grappling with how their theories of rape
were relevant beyond North Atlantic shores. I build on
these analyses because they provide excellent ways of
thinking about gender and rape in war. And yet they
are limited as well by what comparative political
scientists would recognize as an impoverished concept
of ethnicity. To think about rape in war comparatively
requires relating gender to ethnicity in more
complicated ways than these theories allow. And the
place to see this most clearly is in Bosnia.
Analysts distinguish three kinds of rape in Bosnia:
rapes that occurred when Serbs first occupied a
village; rapes committed by prison guards in detention
camps; and rape camps, or temporarily commandeered
houses where Serbs kept women expressly for that
purpose. Reports also emphasized that rapes often took
place in public or in front of other witnesses; that
rapes included acts designed to degrade the victim;
and that often the victims knew the aggressors.
In assessing this information, American feminists
agreed that rape in a war context couldn't be reduced
to the psychological attributes of the aggressors or
the mere aggregate of them in war. Rape must be
understood in terms of social structures and
practices. Mass rape also cannot be understood by
emphasizing its unique or exceptional wartime
character; rather, it can only be clarified and
rendered intelligible in terms of every day forms of
violence that are considered legitimate. Finally, an
account of rape must be able to identify the
interrelationship between ethnicity and gender. Rape
in a national context often touches on, if not centers
on, issues of race and ethnicity (e.g., in the
American context, the notion of the black rapist or
the idea that black women are less worthy rape
victims). In a war context, racial and ethnic
distinctions take on a particular salience because
they are being renegotiated violently, and the
relationship of ethnicity and gender becomes much more
complicated. So rape in Bosnia was systematic, but in
what way was rape systematic, that is, in relation to
what policies or socio-cultural forms? Can one specify
the processes that make a rapist? How was the
seemingly pathological violence related to everyday
life in the former Yugoslavia? Here key feminists gave
different answers.
Catherine MacKinnon analyzes the Bosnian rapes by
focusing on the place that pornography occupied in the
former Yugoslavia. MacKinnon notes that in Yugoslavia,
pornographic products were more common than any other
socialist country. "When pornography is this normal a
whole population of men is primed to dehumanize women
and to enjoy inflicting assault sexually...Pornography
is the perfect preparation - motivator and instruction
manual in one- for the sexual atrocities ordered in
this genocide." MacKinnon notes that rapes in
detention camps always involved performing for a male
audience, just as in pornographic shows. Some of the
rapes were not only performed publicly but filmed
using video technology. These films were sold as
pornographic products, since they were
indistinguishable from the real thing. Furthermore
women were ordered to copy poses from pornographic
magazines stuck on the walls during the rapes, thus
reproducing pornography as reality. Finally, these
pornographic films were turned out for mass
consumption much like news and entertainment, except
that in this case they were designed to whip up
popular frenzy for the Serbian war effort. Analyzing
the films, MacKinnon notes details that suggest
sophisticated staging by Serbians directing the films,
including providing props and dubbing dialogue to
implicate Croatian soldiers. All of this points to
extensive government involvement. "The world has never
seen sex used this consciously, this cynically, this
elaborately, this openly, this systematically with
this degree of technology and psychological
sophistication, as a means of destroying a whole
people." Rape pornography in turn encourages more men
to enlist who in turn rape and produce more
pornographic products which in turn leads to more
enlistees.
Susan Brownmiller has written her own, quite different
analysis of the events in Bosnia. Rape in Bosnia,
Brownmiller asserts, is not simply produced by a
crisis in ethnic identity, but a crisis in male ethnic
identity. Balkan men have found an ethnic cause to
fight and die for in the issue of "protecting their
women" from their enemies. Whereas MacKinnon locates
rape in male/female dynamics, Brownmiller locates rape
in the conflict between males. "Sexual trespass on the
enemy's women is one of the satisfactions of conquest,
like a boot in the face, for once he is handed a rifle
and told to kill, the soldier becomes an
adrenaline-rushed young man with permission to kick in
the door to grab, to steal to give vent to his
submerged rage against all women who belong to other
men." Women's bodies here are the battlefield in which
men communicate their rage to other men.
Brownmiller is keenly aware that the scale of the
Bosnian rapes is not historically unprecedented.
Whereas MacKinnon here sees technological
sophistication and systematicity unique in modern
history, Brownmiller sees the recurrence of the same.
She recognizes that rape dehumanizes women, but she
notes that there is more than one force in war time
that leads towards dehumanization. "Rape of a doubly
dehumanized object - as woman, as enemy, carries its
own terrible logic. In one act of aggressiveness, the
collective spirit of women and the nation is broken,
leaving a reminder long after the troops depart."
Pornography is not the only social form that
dehumanizes women: war itself introduces a process
whereby the enemy is dehumanized. The possibility of
rape in a war context is overdetermined for
Brownmiller.
There is an odd symmetry to these analyses. MacKinnon
maintains that the motor for rape in a war context is
the social dynamic between men and women. Yet her
focus on the eroticized body leaves almost no space
for discusing how ethnicized bodies are constituted.
That ethnic bodies exist primordially is assumed.
Brownmiller's analysis, on the other hand, focuses on
the ethnic dynamic between men and men, which leads
her to diminish the eroticization of torture and
marginalize the women in her analysis. So singleminded
a focus can be blinding. If Brownmiller is right about
the intra-male dynamics of rape, heterosexual rape is
often a substitute for homosexual rape, and yet
Brownmiller does not look for such evidence to
vindicate her thesis and MacKinnon's focus on
male/female dynamics rules this inquiry out by fiat.
To move beyond these problems, it's helpful to look at
American feminist analyses of rape in Latin America.
Throughout the 1980s, rape in a war context by
government soldiers was common throughout Central and
Latin America (notably in Peru and El Salvador). For
Cynthia Enloe and Julie Phillips, who have been
concerned with these issues, the feminist debate on
Bosnia seemed completely disproportionate to the
gravity of the issue. "As the highly visible rapes in
Bosnia reshape feminist thinking on women and war,"
Phillips remarked bitterly, "the conflict in Peru
quietly goes into its 13th year." And Enloe emphasizes
that the limited knowledge we possess about this
phenomena. "We still know surprisingly little about
why the government's male soldiers in Guatemala or the
Contra's male insurgents in Nicaragua engaged in
sexual assault on women so insistently." Were these
soldiers in or out of control? Was this a conscious
government strategy to intimidate or simply one more
product of a mostly militarized society? What would
count as evidence for one or the other?
Unlike many kinds of violence, rape is shot through
with symbolic significance and must be contextually
analyzed. Enloe criticizes analysts who list rape as
one of "an assortment of repressive acts, as if rape
were not qualitatively different in both its
motivations and repercussions." Rape's consequences
may be either shame as in Bosnia or heroic martyrdom.
Similarly, rapists may be seeking to intimidate the
woman being raped, the men whose property she
represents, or even other rapists. For example, Enloe
maintains that in Central America, rape socialized the
new military recruit and separated him permanently
from his civilian compatriots; many soldiers were
forced recruits who had to be isolated from their
communities through rape before they could undertake
repressive operations.
Analyzing the Peruvian rapes in the 1980s, Phillips
emphasizes that rape does not merely have one
function, but is multifunctional, "a uniquely
versatile type of violence." Rape serves to intimidate
independent community organizers. "If traditional
'women's work' - tending families, raising children,
holds communities together, assaults on women do much
to tear the social fabric apart. When you are out to
subdue a population, women are the population." Rape
may be used to force confessions or destabilize whole
areas as a tactic of terror. In the case of female
guerillas, rape is a particularly vicious means of
reinforcing the gendered division of labor. Rape also
imitates and reinforces ethnic and racial divisions:
in Peru, mestizo guerillas are raped by mestizo and
white soldiers, whereas Indian guerillas are raped by
dark skinned as well as mestizo soldiers. Similarly,
Enloe emphasizes how rape reinforces a sense of
community. "Men in war almost always relate to each
other in terms of rank and in a lot of circumstances,
rape serves to rebond men across personal differences
and hierarchies." This becomes even more likely, as in
the case of US soldiers in Vietnam, where divisions in
rank mirrored racial differences between blacks and
whites. While Enloe agrees with Brownmiller that "we
need to look at what dynamics between men lead to rape
and what dynamics between men influence how men think
about rape," she includes a broader range of possible
male relationships than the the simple categories of
enemies and friends.
Rape can be analyzed by its effects on military
rankings, ethnic formations, forms of political
recruitment, state formation, family reorganization,
gender divisions, economic differentiation,
rural/urban differentiation, forms of religious purity
and pollution. The effects may not explain why mass
rape occurred, but they may clarify why it continues
in an organized fashion. It would be important, then,
to work outwards from rape, not from a particular
social system to rape. One might examine rapes in
terms of their specific constellation of practices and
discourses about rape and then ask "what are the
effects of this way of organizing rape or this way of
talking about rape" in multiple fields.
One clear difficulty with the feminist debate on
Bosnia is that while American feminists have a rich
understanding of gender formation, their thought on
ethnicity is remarkably impoverished. American
feminists, like the popular press, think of ethnic
identity as a property of individuals, assuming that
it's somehow inherited or readily visible. Yet, the
notion of ethnicity as a distinct property is very
difficult to sustain in light of the ethnic conflicts
we have today. In the Balkans, for example, there are
no immediate racial, physical or even linguistic
traits that would facilitate immediate identification,
yet group solidarity and ethnic conflict is quite
pronounced.
Donald Horowitz has argued persuasively that ethnicity
is not a property, but a relation between groups in
specified contexts. Horowitz distinguishes between two
ethnic systems, what he has called "ranked" and
"unranked" systems. In ranked systems, groups stand in
clear relations of super- and sub-ordination to one
another, positions which are often linked to
particular occupational positions. In unranked
systems, each group spans the whole available range of
occupations and statuses. Horowitz argues that ranked
systems are stabler, but can breakdown due to either
changes in technology that deskill the superordinate
group or upward mobility by the subordinate group.
When ranked systems do collapse, the violence is much
more extreme than in unranked systems typically
because of desperate efforts of the higher-ranked
group to maintain its position. By contrast, in
unranked societies, of which Yugoslavia was one, each
group is potentially a whole society and the groups
relate to each other as if they were in a small
international system. Conflict in an unranked system
is endemic as it is in the international community,
but can escalate markedly if one group progresses much
more (or less) rapidly than others, and so threatens
to monopolize key positions in the economy.
I would argue that this analysis fits well with some
feminist analyses of rape. Feminists emphasize rape
often involves the intersection of race and gender,
but this does not capture the particular saliency
racial or ethnic categories take on in relation to
rape in a war context. For in the context of a stable
state, rapes move through ethnic categories that are
relatively secure. In rape in war situations, however,
the racial and ethnic conventions are themselves at
stake, and their renegotiation is the context of rape,
not merely something through which rape moves. In this
context, rape is an ethnomarker. This is a difference
in degree, instead of kind, but I think this way of
conceiving of rape is helpful analytically.
If ethnic groups identify themselves mainly in
relation to each other, if ethnic war is a
renegotiation of those relations, if rape is a way of
marking the new boundaries of those relations, then we
may expect rape to vary with the kind of ethnic system
we are dealing with. In conflicts involving ranked
ethnic systems, rape serves to mark how groups are
subordinated and superordinated. Take the example of
Peru. According to Phillips, rape serves to minimize
hierarchical relations within a ranked, ethnically
divided Peruvian military and at the same time to
reinscribe those same relations of hierarchy onto the
female enemy through rape. By contrast, when conflict
breaks out in unranked systems, rape cannot serve the
purpose of reinscribing hierarchical relations between
males of different ethnicities because no clear
pattern of dominance exists with which to begin. What
exists instead is competition for an economic niche
and also for a demographic majority in an ethnically
divided country. As Horowitz points out, in unranked
systems, the national census and women's birthrate are
highly politically contested among men in politics.
When an unranked system collapses, as in Bosnia,
women's bodies become a battlefield in which men
communicate their rage to other men because women's
bodies had been the political battlefield implicitly
all along in this kind of system.
I am arguing in other words that we can make better
use of the theories of rape I have discussed in this
paper if we situate the effects of rape in relation to
the kind of ethnic conflicts that exist. Brownmiller's
analysis is well-suited for understanding how rape
shapes an unranked ethnic conflict but falters when it
encounters the complexity of the Peruvian situation.
Phillips' analysis of Peru would probably be unsuited
for understanding how rape shapes an unranked ethnic
conflict since the male solidarity-through-rape
presupposes ethnic divisions of a ranked sort. Rape is
an ethnomarker in a massive social conflict, but as an
ethnomarker its effects differ depending on the ethnic
field. Again, this is not to say that rape is an
ethnomarker solely in war situations, but that gender
and ethnicity gain greater saliency in these
situations. Rape in a war context is the means by
which differentials of power and identity are defined;
it does not turn on other social practices that
maintain those distinctions in non-war situations.
So how did rape serve as an ethnomarker in Bosnia? I
will answer this by building on the work of the
Croatian sociologist Silva Meznaric. Meznaric studied
the discourse of rape in the Serbian Albanian conflict
in Kosovo in 1990 in order to illustrate how gender is
used and abused in ethnic conflict. Like Bosnia,
Kosovo was an unranked ethnic society with each group
spread across of many occupations. The groups were
bound by actors who crossed the boundaries either
because of their stable social role (Serbian and
Albanian women) or by informal networks within the
local community (Albanian men and Serbian women).
Phillips argued that in Peru women became targets in
the guerilla war because "traditional women's work"
was precisely what kept communities together and
stable. Meznaric's account, by contrast, how females
working in the public sector acted as crucial bridges
in a divided communities. It was the daily
interactions of Serbian women and Albanian males, the
life-work that went on in these interactions, that
bound Kosovans together Meznaric argues further that
population growth, modernization and migration in the
1980s upset the relationship between Serbs and
Albanians: Serbs moved out, but Albanians stayed.
While both groups spent enormous amounts of energy and
money to emphasize tradition and continuity, there was
a serious difficulty. As Meznaric puts it:
"Identification of ethnic markers frequently entails
recognition of ethnic identifiers such as language,
dress, lifestyle and housingÑthese are customary for
every ethnic group. What happens when these
identifiers are similar and cannot easily distinguish
the groups? In the case of Serbs and Albanians, not
only did they demarcate themselves in terms of
language, dress, and housing, but they also insisted
on separation of schools, instruction, literature,
history and so on. Even so, overt signals and signs
for defining boundaries were not enough...Classic
markers of ethnic difference (language, religion,
housing, territory) were insufficient because they
could be erased or blurred by the modernization of
life"
In this context, rape became an ethnomarker because it
defined moral excellence and "by constructing ethnic
difference on the basis of one group's cultural
proclivity to violence and rape, the boundary between
the two groups became fixed." Meznaric covers a media
campaign on rape (which presented Albanian men as
rapists) that served to sharpen the ethnic border
between Serbs and Albanians. Serbian criminal law was
amended to include the category of ethnic rape, that
is, "if a perpetrator and victim are of different
ethnic origin, the criminal law recognizes this fact
as aggravating" the crime. As a result, public
interaction between working women, who were mostly
Serbian, and Albanian men was rendered unpredictable
and dangerous. The informal channels connecting
Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo were interrupted and
"Kosovo ceased to exist as a multiethnic region.
Kosovo became a deeply divided society...." There was,
in other words, "a total breakdown in communication
between ethnic groups."
I want to take a moment to reconstruct what I take to
be Mezanaric's implicit argument about Bosnia. In
Bosnia, the lines between ethnic groups were blurred;
ethnic identification was not easy. Unlike Kosovo, the
war in Bosnia was not preceded by a gradual process
through which unranked peoples who once knew each
other learned to fear each other through rape-talk. In
this context, rape served as an ethnomarker
particularly in areas where the interaction between
groups was densest. Meznaric argues that if one plots
the location of camps and information about rapes
against a map of the population distribution, "one can
notice that massive rapes occur in areas where Serbs
are a minority and Muslims are in relative or absolute
majority...or else in areas where Serbs are in the
majority position, but where there are significant
Muslim and/or Croat minorities." Just as in Central
America, rape served to socialize the new military
recruit and separate him from his civilian
compatriots. This is why rapes occurred in front of
fellow soldiers and victims who knew the perpetrators.
Rape isolated the recruit from his community and
prepared him for further military operations.
Furthermore, just as in Kosovo, rape was used to
underline the moral superiority of the Serbians. This
is the best way to understand efforts the videotaping
of the rapes which were later used to implicate
Croatian forces. Finally, this account generates
possible hypotheses about rape in war which one
couldn't do with the American feminists' accounts. If
it is right, one should predict a decline in Bosnian
war rapes over time as the work of isolating the
ethnic groups is accomplished.
Fred Halliday writes that "A history of world war as a
gendered conflict, ranging from the Japanese 'rape'
(in both senses) of Nanking in 1937 through the
legitimation of rape by the Red Army as it advanced
westwards, remains to be written." Such a history,
like the unwritten history of rape and decolonization,
would inevitably have to relate gendered conflict to
ethnic conflict in specified contexts. The account I
have sketched here does so in more specific and
contextualized ways than the accounts given by
Brownmiller, MacKinnon, Enloe or Phillips; indeed, it
incorporates these theories of rape by situating them
in relation to variations in ethnic, as well as gender
relations.
Selected References
Writings by Enloe, Brownmiller, and MacKinnon are
assembled in Stiglmayer, Alexandra, ed. 1994. Mass
Rape: The War against Women in Bosnia-Herzogovina,
Lincoln: University of Nebraska.
Blatt, Deborah. 1992. "Recognizing Rape as a Method of
Torture," Review of Law and Social Change, 19:4,
821-865.
Halliday, Fred. 1994. Rethinking International
Relations, Vancouver, Canada: University of British
Columbia.
Horowitz, Donald. 1985. Ethnic Groups in Conflict,
Berkeley, University of California Press.
Meznaric, Silva. 1994. "Gender as an Ethno-Marker:
Rape, War, and Identity Politics in the Former
Yugoslavia." In Valentine M. Moghadam, Identity
Politics and Women: Cultural Reassertions and
Feminisms in International Perspective, Boulder, CO,
Westview Press.
Phillips, Julie. 1993. "Crossfire's Targets: Women in
Peru Fight Violence from Both Sides," The Village
Voice, 13 July, pp. 28-29.
Rape in Mass Social Conflict Ethnic System Prior to
War (from Horowitz)
Analytic Optic Ranked Unranked
Male/Male Interactions
(from Brownmiller) Rape as a Liminal Act
Examples:
Peruvian Army 1980s (Phillips),
US Army, 1960-1975, (Enloe)
Rape as an Act of Intimidation and Conquest
Examples:
Pakistani Army in Bangladesh 1973 (Brownmiller)
Bosnia, 1992-1994 (Brownmiller, Meznaric)
Male/Female Interactions
(from MacKinnon) Rape as a Reassertion of prior
division of labor and status.
Examples:
Peruvian Army, 1980s (Phillips)
Rape as an Isolating Act
Examples:
Guatemalan Army and Contra Army, 1980s (Enloe)
Bosnia (Meznaric)
Copyright (c) 2004 by Darius Rejali, all rights
reserved. This text may be
viewed, downloaded, redistributed or republished in
any medium for the express
and non-commercial purposes of criticism, comment,
news reporting, teaching
(including multiple copies for classroom use),
scholarship, or research,
provided such use is in accord with Section 107 of the
United States Copyright
Act. Archiving, redistribution, or republication of
this text on other terms, in
any medium, requires the consent of the publisher
and/or author at
rejali@xxxxxxxxx
http://academic.reed.edu/poli_sci/faculty/rejali/rejali/articles/bosnia96.html
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