[list_indonesia] [ppiindia] rehat - KOKORO KOKORO.....
- From: anton john hartomo <antonhartomo@xxxxxxxxx>
- To: ppiindia@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Fri, 25 Mar 2005 04:06:42 -0800 (PST)
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=20
Returning Japanese
---------------------------------
Some Lessons from Another CultureJames Patrick Holding
---------------------------------
This inspiration for this article happened almost by accident. On a Theolog=
yWeb discussion thread I wanted to illustrate to a debate partner how honor=
was valued in the ancient Biblical world. Knowing that honor was likewise =
valued in modern Japanese culture the same way (in contrast to how it is vi=
ewed in modern American culture) I searched for and found an invaluable art=
icle apparently by one Phil VanAuken at Baylor University. For proper credi=
t the article in full may be found here.
In looking over VanAuken's work I realized that some of the explanations he=
gave of Japanese custom and culture match very closely the sort we have gi=
ven here in explaining Biblical passages. Since certain known personages fr=
om the world of Skeptics seem inclined to imply that we just make up all of=
this stuff, and that social studies scholars of the Bible (the Context Gro=
up) are just humming their harmonicas, VanAuken's article looked to be some=
thing I could use profitably to draw some parallels and maybe put some sens=
e in some Skeptical heads, or at least make them look more foolish than usu=
al when they issue denials. (You'll also find a lot of it which we don't us=
e fascinating. As a fan of the Iron Chef television program, and of Japanes=
e animated programs, I found much that corresponded with my observations. I=
also found a lot of stuff that is interesting and trivial, such as that in=
Japan it's all right to bring KFC or McDonald's into a movie theater. We n=
eed to get more
Japanese in that respect, I think!)
Of course the two cultures are far from exact on every point and in every p=
ractice, so we will only be commenting on the similiarities on key points t=
hat have been at issue here. Hereafter VanAuken's words will be in normal t=
ype, and my comments shall be in bold and italics hereafter.
---------------------------------
VanAuken starts with an overview of Japanese culture. Here are some element=
s that correspond with what we have said about Biblical culture.
1. Japanese culture is structured around black and white norms for acceptab=
le (harmony-producing) group behavior. People who don't function by these =
norms are viewed as outsiders who lack legitimate status. Black and white e=
xpectations of behavior produce equally clear cut conformity, resulting in =
high harmony and certainty of outcome. Trust is earned through continuous =
conformity. This is a match for elements of Biblical behavior we have noted=
: the placement of group expectations over individual behavior. It also is =
similar to a concept we have noted of "black and white" attitudes in such p=
assages as Luke 14:26. Extremity of language and extremity of action.=20
2. Harmony is the number one priority in Japanese interpersonal and social =
behavior taking priority over frankness and honesty. The same may be said i=
n the Biblical world. The demands of honor -- more on this below -- mean th=
at harmony of this sort is a priority, even to the point of sometimes commi=
tting an "honorable lie" to preserve order.
4. Behavioral skills in the workplace are more important to success than an=
alytical skills. Correct etiquette (processes) is more important than perso=
nal performance. The Japanese react far more than they proact, like pinbal=
ls bouncing off the bumpers. Adaptation is of supreme importance to success=
. Etiquette is the principle of behavior rather than philosophy or religion=
. Accountability is to the group, not the individual. The big picture is t=
he only picture. Conformity produces harmony, the supreme value. A reader p=
ointd out that this matches with the Hebraic notion of knowledge as entaili=
ng action, and accountability to a group for church discipline. "The big pi=
cture is the only picture," including the Biblical emphasis on the corporat=
e body of Christ. "Conformity produces harmony"; ditto with the admonishmen=
ts to live peacefully with all.=20
5. The Japanese strive to meet the expectations of others, especially those=
in power. Doing something in the right (role model) way is more important =
than achieving a favorable outcome. A glorious defeat is better than victo=
ry achieved with the wrong (nonconforming) attitude. Behavioral models sav=
e the Japanese worker from embarrassment. Unstructured social situations a=
re therefore to be avoided at all costs. Trust is essential in Japanese rel=
ationships, but the trust is based on predictability of behavior rather tha=
n emotional rapport or intimate friendship. This is a match for the emphasi=
s in the Biblical world on pistis and the value of proper behavior and hono=
r over achieving a result. VanAuken goes on to note how this process is ena=
cted in Japan, via modern mentor-employee relationships. Now pay attention =
to this one:=20
6. If all the Japanese in Japan were lined up and asked to describe Americ=
ans and other Westerners in one word, the majority would probably come up w=
ith =93selfish.=94 The reason for this is simple enough. The Japanese wer=
e conditioned for centuries to look upon independent, individualistic behav=
ior=97the hallmark of Americans and many other Westerners=97as selfish, con=
frontational and disruptive. Outsiders are perceived as barbarians because=
they don't conform to cultural mandates and because no loyalty is owed to =
them. Independence is a social stigma; interdependence brings identity, ac=
ceptance, security, and a sense of purpose. Bingo. Think of how many times =
we have seen Skeptics violate this one with their selfish demands that the =
Biblical text conform to THEIR wishes. Think how "selfish, confrontational =
and disruptive" applies to certain "fundamentalist atheists" we know. Now n=
ote this:=20
7. All behaviors must focus on concern for the other person=92s mental harm=
ony and face (wah). Behaviors lacking wah are relationship damaging: Criti=
cizing in public; blame-placing; singling out others for praise; dominating=
conversations or interrupting others; pointing out mistakes or errors. Em=
ployee motivation is a balance of internal and external forces, coming from=
strong role expectations and the strong desire to maintain personal identi=
ty through meeting these expectations. Cultural behavioral expectations + p=
eer pressure =3D strong pressure to conform and perform. Just like in the B=
iblical world. Match "wah" with personal honor, and match "concern for the =
other person" with agape. Note how identity is met via meeting external exp=
ectations, just like in the Biblical world.=20
8. Cultural behavior is based on mutual interdependencies that create both =
power and weakness. This is a key source of stress in Japanese society, bec=
ause there is no closure of interpersonal and social obligations. Independ=
ence is never attained. The Japanese kaisha ("guy-shah") is held together b=
y networks of hierarchical relationships from which individual employees re=
ceive their identity and status. To lose ones standing and legitimacy in t=
he kaisha is to lose one=92s identity. Permanent employment is therefore t=
he expectation and tradition. Japan=92s news media often report that well =
over half of all Japanese are so seriously afflicted by stress that it is a=
problem of epidemic proportions. Part of this affliction results from the=
intense pressure on people to work harder and produce more than other peop=
le. Stress also results from crowded living conditions, and from worry abo=
ut financial security during old age. Much of the stress experienced by th=
e Japanese derives from
conforming to the demands of their traditional social system=97part of whi=
ch is a tendency to be compulsive about things.Overall, the same is absolut=
ely true of the Biblical world. The relationships between clients and patro=
ns match exactly with the description of hierarchical relationships. The la=
ck of closure of personal obligations matches with the never-ending circle =
dance of grace. (Yes, Calvinists could stand to learn from this, too.) A b=
ig difference lies in the econimic reality. In the ancient world you were n=
ever "unemployed" because you always found it necessary to look for sustena=
nce. Worry about old age and security could be had, but the ancients were l=
ess able to do something about it. Note nevertheless in this respect Jesus'=
admonition not to worry about such things.=20
15. Traditional Japanese have tried to maintain and balance two worlds. On=
e consisted of reality or hone (hone-nay)=97their true thoughts and intenti=
ons=97and the other of a facade or tatemae (=93tah-tay-my)=97a screen creat=
ed to maintain the appearance of harmony and serve as a ploy until the othe=
r party revealed their own position. The Japanese reaction to new relations=
was that they could not be established because no relations existed. Ther=
e had to be some kind of recognized outside connection bringing the two par=
ties together=97a go-between or some other third party. Most traditional Ja=
panese go to great lengths to avoid confrontations with others. They are qu=
ick to apologize and accept personal responsibility in case something might=
be wrong or possibly go wrong. Superiors may often accept personal blame f=
or the failures of subordinates in a project or for their breach of etiquet=
te or failure to live up to expectations. There is a perfectly good word fo=
r =93no=94 in the Japanese language,
but it is seldom used. =93Yes,=94 on the other hand, is heard all the tim=
e. This does not mean, however, that the Japanese do not say =93no.=94 Th=
ey say it often, even if what they have said sounds like =93yes=94 to the u=
ninitiated. For many generations the Japanese were conditioned to avoid bl=
unt responses, confrontations or friction of any kind. Since =93no=94 is o=
ften confrontational and can cause disappointment and ill will of one kind =
or another, the Japanese do not like to come right out and say it. As a res=
ult, =93yes=94 gradually came to by synonymous with =93Yes, I heard you,=94=
or =93Yes, I am listening.=94 It ceased to mean =93Yes, I agree=94 or =93=
Yes, I will.=94 The main reason for this development was the overriding ne=
ed to maintain harmony, and the importance of self-preservation. There is n=
o direct parallel here, but there is an indirect one I want to bring to att=
ention: All the talk we hear from a certain quarter about the Bible "not me=
aning what it clearly says" is clearly a product of a
modern and Wsestern bias. High context societies often mean more than they=
say; as Rihbany noted in The Syrian Christ, Westerners wil be frustrated b=
y the Easterner's tendency to not "say what he means". He says what he mean=
s -- we're just too low-context to get it. Take the lesson to heart the nex=
t time some Skeptic makes a fuss about the Bible "clearly" saying something=
and of the need to inform ourselves with relevant background knowledge. A =
reader noted that this also matches the ANE practice of equivocation (noted=
above) and the Messianic secret motif.=20
17. Many Westerners, particularly Americans, have been conditioned to view =
time as something like a train speeding down a straight track. The train n=
ever slows down or stops, and they have a compulsive, deep-seated need to b=
e on it, moving toward specific goals. Japanese, on the other hand, have t=
raditionally viewed the time track as a circle, with the train moving slowl=
y and repeatedly passing the same place over a period of time. One of the m=
ost common and important time factors in Japanese negotiations or discussio=
ns about serious matters was=97and still is=97the use of time gaps or break=
s. The people involved simply stop talking. They may just sit and remain =
silent (often with their eyes closed), get up and leave the room for short =
periods, or hold low-voiced side conversations with their colleagues. Japa=
nese negotiators and others develop varying degrees of skill in using these=
time gaps to their own advantage. I'll draw another indirect parallel here=
to something I have noted
in a couple of places: Our thinking is linear, but thinking and reasoning =
in the Biblical world was often more like a circle. Never make the mistake,=
as many critics do, of assuming that you can read the Bible with a linear =
mindset. I noted that the rhetoric of 1 John is in this pattern, and that t=
he agruments in Job are constructed along the pattern of one unrolling a ga=
rden hose. A reader added that this fits in with the Biblical notion of his=
tory as a spiral and the use of typology in the New Testament which sees Go=
d as repeating significant patterns in history.
---------------------------------
In his next section VanAuken discusses specific terms and concepts from Jap=
anese culture.
3. Aota Gai (=93Ah-oh-tah Guy=94) Plucking the school virgins: Most J=
apanese companies are still not comfortable with non-virgin Japanese employ=
ees. =93Pure=94 company employees resent outsiders coming in and taking up=
managerial or executive slots the old-timers feel belong to them. Newcome=
rs entering a larger, long-established firm find it difficult or impossible=
to win full acceptance by company groups. Many say that even after twenty=
or more years they still feel like interlopers. I find a loose parallel he=
re to the Biblical concept of ritual purity, but it is much closer to the B=
iblical world's idea of ingroup-outgroup relations. Here is another example=
:=20
5. Ato Aji (=93Ah-toe Ah-jee=94) Leaving an aftertaste: Foreign thing=
s have a different =93taste=94 that Japanese may or may not find palatable.=
Among those things that are acceptable are apparel, accessories, foods an=
d other consumer tangibles, as well as movies, athletic studios, and music.=
Those that will leave an undesirable ato aji or =93aftertaste=94 include =
people from any other race or ethnic group, and their unstructured, unpredi=
ctable behavior. The country is no longer in a position to close its borde=
rs, leaving the Japanese with no choice but to develop a tolerance and appr=
eciation for other people who =93taste=94 different. Look carefully and you=
will see a parallel to the idea of clean and unclean foods and objects. "A=
to aji" may as well be "ritual purity" though there are undoubtedly differe=
nces in purpose and scope.
7. Batsu ("Baht-sue") Keeping the team together (literally =93political fac=
tions=94): In ancient Japan, people possessed no legal rights--only obliga=
tions to political rulers. Thus, joining groups brought security and accep=
tance in the absence of legal rights, but also peer pressure to conform. G=
roup members take care of their own, providing a measure of protection from=
the outside world, as well as social standing and power. A more or less p=
recise match for the Biblical idea of a collective, and of loyalty to the g=
roup, and of collective responsibility. People in the Biblical world had no=
legal rights -- only obligations to their rulers.
9. Chochin wo Tsukeru (=93Choe-cheen oh T=92sue-kay-rue) Following the lead=
er: Centuries of conformity, even though now recognized as a roadblock to e=
conomic progress, still causes most Japanese employees to be unwilling to e=
xercise individual entrepreneurial initiative within Japanese companies. I=
nstead Japanese employees have a strong tendency to imitate the behavior of=
successful people, including their boss. In this attitude I would suggest =
a parallel to responses that when it comes to answers that object to the de=
ath of "innocents" in the Conquest, for example, it is clear that in a worl=
d like this, there are no "innocents" among the adult population.=20
11. Chugen (=93Chu-gane=94) Giving until it hurts: Gift-giving in present-=
day Japan has grown into one of the largest and most important commercial s=
egments of the economy. There are two great gift-giving periods in today=
=92s Japan: the first is Chugen and the second is Seibo (Say-e-bow). Chug=
en, which literally means central origin or central source, refers to Japan=
=92s famous mid-summer Obon (Oh-bone) religious festival commemorating the =
dead, but gift-giving during this period (mid-July) is now totally seculari=
zed. Seibo refers to the end of the year, and the gift-giving period runs =
from around December 21 to December 28. On both of these occasions, the pr=
imary purpose of giving gifts follows the historical pattern of repaying fa=
vors and acknowledging obligations; it serves as insurance to help guarante=
e continued goodwill or patronage and as a way to build up obligation for w=
hen favors might be needed in the future. This is an exact match for the cl=
ient-patron relationship in the
Biblical world, and again, the circle-dance of gift-giving. It is what mad=
e Christianity's "free gift" of salvation so suspicious.
12. Dami Oshi ("Dah-may Oh-she") Making doubly sure: Mistakes, especially=
in business, bring personal shame, so the Japanese seek out large volumes =
of information to reduce the odds of error. They also ask the same or simi=
lar questions multiple times to different people in different business sett=
ings to =93make doubly sure.=94 No direct parallel here, but consider the l=
engths the Japanese go to in order to avoid personal shame. That translates=
into the Biblical world as well.
14. Enryo ("Inn-rio") Holding back or being reserved: This negotiating prac=
tice of =93holding back=94 is used as a way to get a bargaining advantage o=
ver others by revealing a limited amount of information about your positio=
n, or about your feelings in the matter. It is akin to the mind set of pla=
ying poker. See in this a parallel to the Biblical world's idea that only y=
our "ingroup" was entitled to complete information. Those who object to Jes=
us apparently lying (see above) should instead see an example of Biblical E=
nryo.=20
16. Gaijin ("Guy-jeen") Hairy barbarians: In 1543, a group of Portuguese t=
raders were the first Westerners to make a visible impact on Japan. These =
sailors were large, bearded, uncultured, and reeked of poor hygiene, so the=
Japanese naturally referred to them as hairy barbarians. These Westerners=
were thought to be the embodiment of the ancient Japanese myth of Tengu ("=
tane-guu"), a creature like bigfoot. Gaijin is an insulting term for non-A=
sian outsiders. A slightly more polite form is gaikoku no kata ("guy-koe-k=
uu no kah-tah"). See in this a parallel to the Biblical world's tendency to=
stereotype -- as Epiminides does, as Paul quotes him in Titus. A reader in=
Japan adds: "That really is just western political correctness being impos=
ed on the Japanese language. I have friends who call me 'gaijin', and it do=
esn't bother me a bit."
17. Giri ("Ghee-ree") Living with unending obligations: The strict, elabor=
ate behavior etiquette system was traditionally enforced through shaming vi=
olators. This was made even tougher by transferring the shame to include t=
he violator=92s parents and family. Today giri largely concerns the etique=
tte of minor social responsibilities such as gift-giving and respectful att=
endance of weddings and funerals. ...Giri can be accumulated and built up t=
hrough doing unsolicited favors in your network of mutual obligations. You=
incur giri by accepting favors that you don=92t immediately return. This i=
s once again much like the client-patron relationship -- substitute "grace"=
for "giri" -- and note as well the extension of the shame to the parents a=
nd family. Think of this in terms of Achan's sin and the extermination of h=
is family and possessions with him. We'd say it isn't fair, but they would =
expect it.
19. Gomasuri (=93Goh-mah-suu-ree=94) Flattery makes the world go around: Ar=
rogant samurai warriors of the past gave rise to a tradition of demanding e=
xaggerated respect from Japanese commoners. In later Japanese history, th=
is evolved into a social custom designed to influence powerful people throu=
gh ritualized flattery, such as calling a lay person =93professor=94 to imp=
ly how intelligent they are, or danna (master). No direct parallel here; si=
mply consider how formalized etiquette came into place to manage custom. We=
see an example in the Bible with Jesus' words to Pilate, "You have said so=
" -- a "yes" that modern Skeptics take as equivocation or falsehood because=
they read it with a Western bias.
20. Haji ("Hah-jee") Anything but shame: Haji (shame) is incurred if someon=
e is openly criticized in public. In feudal Japan, if someone was shamed i=
n public, the only way to shed the shame was to seek revenge against the on=
e who shamed you. Note again an emphasis on shame. Note as well that VanAuk=
en has yet to speak of guilt.
23. Ippai Kutta (=93 Eep-pie Kuut-tah=94) Softening up the other party: The=
Japanese are masters at using hospitality as part of their negotiating pro=
cess. This creates a sense of debt in the guest that might be repaid in fu=
ture bargaining concessions. Ippai kutta literally means =93I=92ve eaten m=
y full=94 (of Japanese hospitality), which puts the foreign guest in passiv=
e position when it comes to talking business. Partial parallel here to the =
elaborate rituals of hospitality we see in the Bible, as when the man in Ju=
dges asks his guest several times to stay. Pointless to us, important to th=
em.
28. Kao (=93Kah-oh=93) Maintaining personal face (literally =93keeping your=
face intact=94): Over years of tradition, the Japanese came to regard any=
error on their part or any =93immoral=94 behavior toward them by someone e=
lse as a blemish on their kao (kah-oh), or =93face.=94 In addition to exer=
cising extreme caution in their behavior that is, conforming as precisely a=
s possible to the demands of their detailed rules of etiquette, it also bec=
ame characteristic for them to avoid risking error by not taking the lead i=
n things by remaining noncommittal, by speaking in vague terms, and so on O=
nce again a parallel for honor and shame in the Biblical world.
33. Keikom (Ike bana): (=93kee-come Ekay-bahna=93) Flower arranging art: I=
kebana is the exquisite art of Japanese flower arranging, a disciplined art=
form in which the arrangement is a living sculpture in which nature and hu=
manity are brought together. In contrast to the purely decorative form of =
flower arranging popular in Western countries, the art of ike bana, or Japa=
nese flower arrangement, seeks to create a harmony of linear construction, =
rhythm, and color. While Westerners tend to emphasize the quantity and colo=
rs of the flowers, devoting their attention mainly to the beauty of the blo=
ssoms, the Japanese emphasize the linear aspects of the arrangement and hav=
e developed the art to include the vase, stems, leaves, and branches, as we=
ll as the flowers. The entire structure of a Japanese flower arrangement is=
based on three main lines that symbolize heaven, earth, and humankind. Con=
sider this again as a parallel to notions of ritual purity, of things being=
in the right place and in
the right way. It's a more trivial version but it is much the same in conc=
ept.
35. Kokoro Zukai (=93Koe-koe-roe Zoo-kie=94) The Ideal human being: If all=
the Japanese in Japan were lined up and asked to describe Americans and ot=
her Westerners in one word, the majority would probably come up with =93sel=
fish.=94 The reason for this is simple enough. The Japanese were conditio=
ned for centuries to look upon independent, individualistic behavior=97the =
hallmark of Americans and many other Westerners=97as selfish, confrontation=
al and disruptive. The ethos of traditional Japan was that the individual =
should sacrifice his or her own interests=97and often his or her life as we=
ll--for the benefit of the group. And Japanese history and folklore is fil=
led with accounts of men and women who were inspiring examples of this idea=
l. Most Japanese born after 1970 have learned to equate personal freedom a=
nd individuality with selfishness, and their greatest ambition is to fulfil=
l their own personal aspirations, not sacrifice their lives for others. Th=
is would seem to portend the death
knell of the kokoro zukai concept in Japan. Note the parallel in the earli=
er behavior to the Biblical ethos of giving up your life for your friends.=
=20
45. Ojigi ("Oh-jee-ghee") From kowtowing to bowing: The obligation to kowt=
ow (a prostrate bow with forehead touching the ground) was traditionally us=
ed as a sign of profound deference to a political leader, such as a shogun.=
Even though the shogunate system ended in 1868, the ojigi was sometimes p=
racticed as late as 1945. It is sometimes still used in conjunction with S=
hintai ukagai (sheen-tie uu-kah-guy), when a government or corporate offici=
al takes personal blame for the failure or disgrace of his organization. I=
n most Japanese social situations, three levels of standing bows are used: =
light (small bow for informal occasions); medium (for most formal occasion=
s); deep bows are occasionally used for unusual displays of respect, sincer=
ity, gratitude, or sorrow. Note the parallel of "personal blame" with that =
of corporate responsibility in the Hebrew Bible. The leader assumes resposi=
bility for the mistakes of those made under him -- and in the Bible, those =
under the leader suffer
consequences of the leader's decisions.
49. Seki Ji (=93Say-kee Jee=94) Sitting in the right place (literally =93se=
ating order=94): In Japanese meeting there is invariably someone who is re=
sponsible for seeing that the attendees are properly seated. Regular atten=
dees who know everyone else=92s rank sort themselves out and take appropria=
te seats. Newcomers or guests are guided to seats chosen for them. Foreig=
n guests, regardless of their rank, are often honored by being seated at or=
near the head table or head of the room. VanAuken goes on to describe the=
elaborate etiquette involved, but it's enough to see a parallel to the Bib=
lical practices of seating referred to by Jesus in his parables.=20
53. Shibui (=93She-bu-ee=93) Refined beauty: One of the most conspicuous an=
d positive aspects of Japanese culture is the extraordinary role of aesthet=
ics. Shibui refers to a restrained, highly refined beauty that epitomizes =
classic simplicity. Foreigners immediately recognize the special quality o=
f beauty that makes traditional Japanese products outstanding. Once again, =
think a modern form of ritual purity.
54. Shikata (=93Shee-kata=94) is the right way (form/process) for doing thi=
ngs: entertaining, making decisions, greeting others, gift-wrapping/present=
ation, eating, reading, dressing, etc. Correct form and etiquette are esse=
ntial and imperative for interpersonal situations. The correct behavior of=
the employee (kohai, "ko-hee") comes from following the well-defined model=
of a senior mentor (sempai, "sim-pie") in the workplace. Ditto.=20
55. Shimatsu Sho ("She-maht-suu Show") I=92m sorry, sorry, sorry: This ref=
ers to the overwhelming sense of duty and loyalty the Japanese have traditi=
onally maintained towards those in authority whom they serve. For example,=
the samurai ritual of suicide (seppuku, "sape-puu-kuu") was a custom used =
among the ancient samurai class to maintain the image of blind loyalty to t=
he mission and to superiors. The warrior would indicate penitence for failu=
re by ritualistically making cuts in his abdominal wall until death ensued-=
-the more cuts made before death, the greater the penitence offered. This f=
orm of self-inflicted pain and punishment demonstrated courage in the face =
of defeat, the will to succeed no matter what, and was also used as a warni=
ng to others of the fate that awaited them if they broke with etiquette and=
traditions. In regular Japanese life, shimatsu sho has evolved into ritua=
l forms of apology such as profuse letters of apology for any breach of soc=
ial etiquette, including
violations of bureaucratic rules, traffic violations, improperly executed =
commercial paper work, etc. The violator takes full responsibility in the =
letter for the infraction, which normally cancels out any official penalty.=
It is in turn a serious breach of etiquette to reject a letter of apology=
. When a serious breach of etiquette of duty is made, even unintentionally=
, that would dishonor a department or even the entire company, the =93I=92m=
sorry=94 process used is shintai ukago ("sheen-tie Uu-Kah-guy"), which mea=
ns, =93pleading guilty (or resigning) in advance." This enables the organi=
zation unit or company to avoid responsibility for the mistake and the resu=
lting sense of shame. Most traditional Japanese go to great lengths to avoi=
d confrontations with others. They are quick to apologize and accept person=
al responsibility in case something might be wrong or possibly go wrong. Su=
periors may often accept personal blame for the failures of subordinates in=
a project or for their breach
of etiquette or failure to live up to expectations. This extended entry sp=
eaks for itself. It tells us that Biblical peoples were not alone in not ma=
king life their foremost value. (You can hear the "argument by outrage" ove=
r the ritual suicide practices now!) It tells us that our "no big deal" app=
roach to sin isn't universal and it isn't anything but a product of our ind=
iividualistic culture.=20
58. Tatemae/Honne (=93Tah-tay-my/Hone-nay=94) Facade vs. reality: Traditio=
nal Japanese have tried to maintain and balance two worlds. One consisted =
of reality or hone (hone-nay)=97their true thoughts and intentions=97and th=
e other of a facade or tatemae (=93tah-tay-my)=97a screen created to mainta=
in the appearance of harmony and serve as a ploy until the other party reve=
aled their own position. The tatemae/honne system often becomes a crucial =
factor in encounters between Japanese businessmen and politicians and their=
Western counterparts because there is a natural tendency for Westerners to=
immediately lay all of their cards on the table not only as a goodwill ges=
ture but also because they believe it is the best way to reach a fair, spee=
dy agreement. Westerners should not regard the tatemae/honne factor as a m=
inor cultural quirk that the Japanese can easily dispense with when they ar=
e given the incentive to do so, or as something that can be easily overcome=
by the force of logic and
persuasive powers. Generally speaking, logic and forceful persuasion are =
not effective in Japan because they are regarded as cold, calculating and s=
elf-serving. Since the Western side cannot expect their Japanese counterpa=
rts to completely change their cultural stripes on notice for the Westerner=
=92s benefit, the best that Westerners can do is to adapt their own strateg=
y and tactics to contend with the reality of the situation and proceed poin=
t by point, going from tatemae to honne in each case. We have already noted=
the relevance of this to honor and shame above, but note as well about log=
ic and persuasion. Modern Skeptics who object to the lack of "logic" in Bib=
lical texts and teachings need to get a grip on their Western biases.
61. Wa ("Wah") Holy harmony: Harmony is the number one priority in Japane=
se interpersonal and social behavior=97taking priority over frankness and=
honesty. Examples of wah-oriented behaviors include: copious exchange of=
information to avoid unpleasant surprises; frequent face-to-face meetings =
to build a sense of common commitment and behavior; doing personal favors f=
or key members of your network; conspicuous presence of cultural ceremony; =
careful attention to work choice, tone of voice, and facial expressions. T=
he Japanese wince at the frequent bluntness of Western language: =93I guara=
ntee you=94; =93Take my word for it=94; =93You must understand=94; =93I=92m=
absolutely sure that=85=94 Parallel once again to the way we often find Bi=
blical language so difficult to swallow, and criticisms of the Bible not be=
ing "clear" or "not meaning what it clearly says".
---------------------------------
VanAuken next offers a section advising how to "do business with the Japane=
se". Interested readers may wish to note all the precautions VanAuken gives=
. Skeptics of the crowd we have in mind might wish to consider how our beha=
vior would also have to be different, "doing business with the people of th=
e Bible." Here are some relevant highlights on behavior, religion, and othe=
r topics:
8. They are a high context culture that emphasizes personal loyalty as much=
as possible rather than scientific and technological impersonal management=
. Despite a certain Skeptic's proclamations, high and low context have appl=
ications.
3. Shinto has become completely assimilated into day-to-day Japanese custom=
and tradition. Its rituals are nearly indistinguishable from everyday lif=
e. A new construction project, for instance, is unlikely to begin without =
a formal offering and ritual prayer ceremony overseen by a Shinto official =
at the site. Skeptics call it superstition. We call it ritual observance.=20
2. When a visitor enters a Shinto shrine, he or she is regarded as having l=
eft the world of finite things and entered the realm of the infinite and im=
measurable, where the powerful kami (divine spirits) may be invoked for the=
purpose of the ceremony at hand. The idea of boudaries, paralleled as well=
in ritual purity.=20
C. The affirmation of physical cleanliness. Shinto requires not me=
rely symbolic or ritual cleanliness, but the real thing. One must be absolu=
tely clean when one encounters the spirits, and so must one=92s surrounding=
s! Ditto.=20
---------------------------------
This concludes our parallels from VanAuken's look at Japanese culture. I th=
ink in summation it may be said that any critic who thinks the world of the=
Bible was like ours, or implicitly assumes that it was like ours when they=
argue, needs serious lessons in cultural diversity. And in closing: If any=
Skeptic out there thinks that I just make this stuff up, then you may as w=
ell accuse VanAuken of doing the same.
=09=09
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