[geocentrism] Re: Birdman's Weekly Letter #454: Freedom and Fascism -- Force and Consent

  • From: "philip madsen" <pma15027@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
  • To: "geocentrism list" <geocentrism@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>, "Bernie Brauer" <bbrauer777@xxxxxxxxx>, "Steven Jones" <steven@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
  • Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2007 11:29:49 +1000

This is where he loses his credibility when he reasons thus... 

"while democracy is the DISPERSION OF POWER to many. "  

It should read acording to modern democracy, 

"while democracy is the DISPERSION OF POWER by the many to the few."

The real politico/economic picture is totalitarianism on the left versus chaos 
on the right. 

This puts Fascism and communism together as being identical, there being 
nothing different between corporate and or state capitalism.  Chaos meanwhile 
is chaos or no government.  

Ideally we need in the middle , limited government.. no regulation other than 
what safty dictates. road rules..  and a social credit economy, which 
translates into what is called "economic democracy", where people vote with 
their money.. 

It will not work without the institution of God's church which puts the 
morality and ethical brake on fallen human nature. Well it can but try..  
People fail this institution as well, be it Catholic or protestant. And neither 
God nor his institution can be blamed for that when they us their will to brake 
the rules.. 

Read economic democracy or social credit by Major Douglas....

Philip. 

 

Philip.  
  ----- Original Message ----- 
  From: Bernie Brauer 
  To: Philip Madsen ; Steven Jones 
  Sent: Wednesday, November 14, 2007 10:30 AM
  Subject: Re: Birdman's Weekly Letter #454: Freedom and Fascism -- Force and 
Consent 


  FYI - forward to Philip by Bernie

  John Bryant <jbryant@xxxxxxx> wrote: 
    Date: November 13, 2007
    To: The usual suspects
    From: John Bryant (john@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx)
    Re: Birdman's Weekly Letter #454: Freedom and Fascism -- Force and Consent
    Contents: Opinion (as always)
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    Freedom and Fascism -- Force and Consent

    Thanks Enviroman

    One of the great confusions of political thinking concerns the matter of 
force and consent. One good example is the Non-Aggression Principle (NAP), 
generally credited to the libertarian novelist L Neil Smith and basic to the 
thinking of many libertarians, which holds that it is wrong to initiate the use 
or threat of force in dealing with others. I have dissected the inadequacies of 
the NAP in an essay "The Non-Aggression Principle Is Stupid" 
(http://www.thebirdman.org/Index/Lbtn/Lbtn-LNeilSmithLtr.html) whose essential 
point is that, first, the notion of 'force' is unclear, and second, even 
assuming that the notion of force IS clear, it is still morally proper to 
initiate force against a person if you believe that the person is about to 
initiate use of force against you.

    The disclarity in the notion of force can be seen in comparing the 
situation where P threatens to beat up Q unless Q gives him money, and the 
situation where P threatens to reveal Q's adultery to his wife unless Q gives 
him money. Everyone agrees that the first situation is one of initiating or 
threatening force, but not so with the second. As Woodie Guthrie summarized the 
philosophy of "Pretty Boy Floyd",

    As through this world I've traveled
    I've seen lots of funny men
    Some will rob you with a six-gun
    Some with a fountain pen.

    The above comments are relevant to a question of politics which is rarely 
considered, but often important: When is a government 'fascist' 
(non-consensual) and when is it free or democratic (consensual)? George 
Washington touched on this question when he remarked that "Government is not 
reason, it is not eloquence. It is force, and like fire, it is a dangerous 
servant and a fearful master." It has also been skirted in the frequently-made 
observation that democracy is but the right of the majority to force its will 
on the minority -- much like the often-quoted line about the two wolves and a 
sheep voting on what to have for dinner. Needless to say, we end up here in the 
same place as we do with the NAP: We cannot distinguish clearly between fascism 
and freedom/democracy because we cannot distinguish clearly between force and 
consent.

    But even if we cannot make this distinction clearly, we can make some 
useful observations. The first thing to realize is that, BECAUSE we cannot make 
the distinction clearly, this suggests that we regard freedom and fascism as a 
sort of continuum in which (complete) fascism is at one end and (complete) 
freedom (ie, anarchy) is at the other. This, then, means that every government 
gives its citizens SOME freedom, but some governments obviously give more than 
others.

    The second thing we need to remember is that money is power, so that the 
more money a government can extract from its citizens, the more power it will 
have. (This raises the interesting question of how fascist a poor government 
can be, and suggests that a rich country like America has a lot more potential 
for fascism than a poor one like the late Soviet Union; but we shall not 
speculate on that matter here. It also suggests that the only way to protect 
against fascism is to strictly limit the money which the government can put its 
grubby hands on, but again, we shall not consider that question here.) The very 
fact that the government has money, however, means that it has power over its 
citizens, so while we might not wish to argue that rich governments are 
fascist, we nevertheless can recall Lord Acton's remark that power corrupts, 
and absolute power corrupts absolutely, so that the richer a government is, the 
more likely it will become fascist (ie, the more it will tend toward fascism).

    Now we are ready once again to grapple with the question of what fascism 
is, as opposed to freedom/democracy. In particular, it should be clear that 
fascism is CONCENTRATION OF POWER into only a few hands, while democracy is the 
DISPERSION OF POWER to many. This, however, is completely different from the 
usual conception of fascism, which is generally thought of as the condition of 
a State based on, and dependent upon, legislative action. My point is that 
fascism has little to do with law, and a great deal to do with money. To which 
we might add that, if the population is wealthy, this creates a countervailing 
force to fascism, and a protection against it.

    Now a question which we asked earlier involved the attempt to distinguish 
between force and inducement, eg, to distinguish between beating someone up for 
money, and threatening to reveal their adultery. As is evident upon reflection, 
the same question arises when we compare, for example, the case where abortion 
is illegal, with the case where abortion is legal but the state attempts to 
stop it by offering inducements such as tax breaks or subsidies to parents to 
induce them to produce children. People are obviously inclined to think of 
inducements as outside the realm of fascism, and yet from our above analysis, 
we could argue that that is precisely what it is. Truthfully, I don't think the 
answer makes much difference -- it seems like a question more appropriate for 
the ancient Schoolmen of the Church who, as a result of their erudite 
hairsplitting, became known as 'Dunces', in reference to the name of one of 
their most influential brothers, Duns Scotus.

    But however we decide to resolve or not the above question, it does seem 
reasonable that we may make a distinction between legal impermissibility on the 
one hand, and inducement by the State on the other: I suggest that the first be 
called hard fascism, and the second soft fascism. Even this is hardly perfect, 
because those with money have been getting their way thru bribery and other 
forms of palm greasing as long as there has been a medium of exchange; but soft 
fascism at least has the advantage that the lowly may rise, and that offers of 
money for favors are not prosecuted by the courts. This, however, is not likely 
to make any difference to the poor, who do not fare well under ANY system; but 
at least people -- whether poor or rich -- feel freer under a system whose 
regent's scepter is a carrot rather than a stick.








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