http://socialistaction.org/u-s-imperialisms-syria-policy/
U.S. imperialism’s Syria strategy
Published January 18, 2016. | By Socialist Action.
Jan. 2016 Syria protest
By JEFF MACKLER
U.S. Major General Michael Nagata was unceremoniously removed some two
months ago after his $500 million Syrian assignment to train by the end
of the year a projected 5400 Syrian infantrymen to supposedly fight ISIS
(Islamic State of Syria and Iraq) “languished in complications,”
according to U.S. News and World Report. This project “ultimately
yielded a force of fewer than 60, most of whom were immediately captured
or voluntarily surrendered their U.S.-provided military equipment to
extremist groups. Nagata’s program, aimed at training 15,000 such
fighters over the next three years, was similarly abandoned.
The Oct. 9 New York Times article entitled, “Obama Administration Ends
Effort to Train Syrians to Combat ISIS,” states, “Obama’s reversal of
policy underscored a harsh reality: tens of billions of dollars spent in
recent years to train security forces across the Middle East, North
Africa and South Asia have rarely succeeded in transforming local
fighters into effective, long-term armies.”
Today, after four and half years of U.S. “training of security forces,”
supposedly to defeat ISIS, some two-thirds of Syria, mostly
thinly-populated areas, is under the control of one or another jihadist
group—either the Al Qaeda-affiliated Al Nusra Front, the Islamic State
(ISIS) itself, or other Islamist groups. Virtually all are directly,
indirectly or covertly armed and financed by U.S. imperialism, its NATO
allies, the Saudi government (and “private” Saudi billionaires), Qatar,
the United Arab Emirates or other Gulf State monarchies.
In place of this failed program the Obama administration recently
announced a “new program” where, “for the first time the Pentagon is
providing lethal aid directly to Syrian rebels, though the C.I.A. has
for some time been covertly training and arming groups fighting Mr.
Assad” (emphasis added).
Disappearance of “moderate rebels”
U.S. officials have also been compelled to admit, according to the
British-based Independent journalist Robert Fisk, that Syria’s so-called
“moderate” anti-Assad forces do not exist. “American officials,” Fisk
writes, “… claim that the Syrian Army does not fight ISIS. If true, who
on earth killed the 56,000 Syrian [Army] soldiers—the statistic an
official secret, but nonetheless true—who have so far died in the Syrian
war? The preposterous Free Syrian Army (FSA)?”
Fisk continues: “This rubbish has reached its crescendo in the on-again
off-again saga of the Syrian ‘moderates’ who were originally military
defectors to the FSA, which America and European countries regarded as a
possible pro-Western force to be used against the Syrian government
army. But the FSA fell to pieces, corrupted, and the ‘moderates’
defected all over again, this time to the Islamist Nusra Front or to
ISIS, selling their American-supplied weapons to the highest bidder or
merely retiring quietly.”
Fisk, cites a recent public meeting where “[General] David Petraeus,
former No 2 in Baghdad—announced recently that the [Syrian]‘moderates’
had collapsed long ago.”
“But within hours of Russia’s air assaults,” says Fisk, “… the
Washington Post, The New York Times, CNN, the poor old BBC and just
about every newspaper in the Western world resurrected these ghosts and
told us that the Russkies were bombing the brave ‘moderates’ fighting
Assad’s army in Syria—the very ‘moderates’ who, according to the same
storyline from the very same sources a few weeks earlier, no longer
existed.”
Background to the Syrian war
Four and half years ago, in 2011, during the various uprisings that
constituted the Arab Spring, which began with mass popular rebellions
that toppled the U.S.-backed Tunisian dictatorship of President Zine
El-Abidine Ben Ali and then the U.S.-backed 30-year Egyptian
dictatorship of Hosni Mubarak, the U.S. government embarked on its own
“regime change” efforts in Libya and Syria.
We have carefully documented in the pages of this newspaper the horrors
attendant to these U.S. imperialist interventions in the Middle East and
beyond, beginning with the still ongoing U.S. wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan, the latter now the longest war in U.S. history. Without
exception, all have been the product of a U.S. imperialist system in its
deepest crisis in the modern era with no resolution in sight other than
at the expense of the world’s oppressed peoples and nations and the
working class masses in the U.S. itself.
It is in the above context of virtually endless U.S. wars and
interventions that have taken the lives of literally millions in the
Middle East that any serious assessment of the present situation in
Syria can best be understood.
With U.S. imperialism’s assisted rollback of the Arab Spring
revolutionary tide in Egypt and with the Gadhafi “regime change” in
Libya via a U.S./NATO “humanitarian war” that slaughtered thousands
under its belt, the Syrian government of President Bashar Assad was
placed dead center in the U.S. imperial gun sights.
When Assad ordered his army to fire on a series of peaceful mass
mobilizations in 2011 aimed at challenging his government’s imposition
of severe neo-liberal austerity measures that especially offended
Syria’s poor peasantry and layers of the middle class as well as leading
bourgeois opposition figures, a dynamic was set in motion for yet
another U.S. intervention—the sixth such war initiated, supported, or
continued under the auspices of the Obama administration.
As in Libya, the U.S. moved to establish a Syrian government-in-exile
while arming and financing the short-lived and largely exile-based “Free
Syrian Army” headed by a handful of defecting Syrian Army officers. In
conjunction with the deep popular outrage at Assad’s repression and
austerity measures, top U.S. planners expected a quick rout of Assad’s
armed forces and the establishment of a new regime to the liking of both
U.S. imperialism and its anticipated bourgeois allies inside Syria. The
ever-present threat of yet another U.S. intervention to back such a
“regime change” scenario was also an important factor in imperialist
expectations that Assad would be forced to exit post-haste.
The absence of any significant organized socialist forces on the ground
to pose a coherent working class-based strategy for the Syrian masses to
defend and advance their own interests as opposed to Assad’s or those of
a would-be U.S.-sponsored and imposed capitalist order weighed heavily
against any positive outcome for the Syria’s working masses. Given the
historic failure of past bourgeois nationalist and Stalinist parties to
effectively challenge imperialist prerogatives in Syria and far beyond,
history has exacted a terrible toll on Syria’s initially hopeful and
promising Arab Spring.
But in the absence of anything resembling a revolutionary leadership,
the democratic and popular thrust of the anti-Assad mobilizations
rapidly dissipated. This tragic void was inevitably filled by an
assortment of reactionary, mostly religious-fundamentalist, forces
backed by U.S. imperialism and/or its reactionary regional allies,
especially in Saudi Arabia and Turkey.
ISIS’s main pillars of support in Syria
The U.S.-allied Saudis and the Turks today account for the lion’s share
of ISIS’s finances and weapons—undoubtedly with the full knowledge of
the U.S. government. The reactionary Turkish government of Recep Tayyip
Erdogan, a U.S. NATO ally, still controls important portions of its
southern border with Syria and utilizes these as central corridors for
the entrance of thousands of international ISIS fighters to Syria to
depose the Assad government. In the same manner over 1000 trucks from
ISIS-controlled oil fields in northern Syria serve as the main conduit
for ISIS-smuggled oil into Turkey. In those Turkish-Syrian border
areas under the control of the oppressed Kurdish people the flow of ISIS
fighters has been significantly thwarted.
An Oct. 10 New York Times editorial provides a glimpse of how ISIS
operates. In the article, entitled, “Why Is Money Still Flowing to
ISIS?,” The Times estimates ISIS revenues from the sale of oil at $40
million monthly. “The Islamic State is also looting banks; demanding
ransom from kidnap victims; engaging in human trafficking; selling off
plundered antiquities; and leaning on private donors, mainly in Qatar,
Kuwait and Saudi Arabia” (emphasis added). That these “private donors”
include Saudi billionaires and members of the ruling Saudi government is
not a fact that Times reporters bother to mention, although The Times
does estimate ISIS annual revenues at $1 billion.
While the United Nations formally maintains lists of scores of people
and organizations designated as financial supporters of terrorist
groups, including the Islamic State, U.S. officials have noted that
“enforcement has been inconsistent in some cases.” More to the point,
the Dec. 4 New York Times notes, “There is already extensive evidence of
transfers from wealthy donors in the Persian Gulf in particular, but few
concrete penalties.”
In the same article, David Andrew Weinberg, a senior fellow at the
Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a Washington advocacy group,
states, “There is still so much reticence to actually engage in that
naming and shaming [of groups that fund terrorists] that this [new UN
resolution] has limited impact.”
Similarly, a UN resolution that bans any nation from assisting in the
smuggling of ISIS-controlled oil is ignored with impunity. Thus, the
evidence that key U.S. allies are active accomplices in funding or
otherwise supporting ISIS and/or organizing troops to directly overthrow
the Assad government is acknowledged by virtually all sources from the
UN to the New York Times and beyond.
With regard to bombing ISIS’s oil refineries, The Times delicately notes
and with perhaps an ounce of disbelief, “Concerns about leaving local
citizens without crucial refining facilities and with the daunting job
of rebuilding them later may be tempering the American [bombing]
approach, some experts say” (emphasis added). The word “tempering” is in
fact a euphemism for leaving these oil facilities largely intact in
order to support, in a “tempered” manner to be sure, ISIS’s anti-Assad
objectives.
More recently, top U.S. military officials have announced policy changes
with regard to bombing ISIS-controlled oil refineries. Until
mid-November the “official” U.S. policy was to limit bombing or
degrading of these facilities to inflicting minor damage only—damage
that could be easily repaired within a matter of weeks or months. “Until
Monday,” according to The New York Times of Nov. 16, “the United States
refrained from striking the fleet used to transport oil, believed to
include more than 1000 tanker trucks, because of concerns about causing
civilian casualties. As a result, the Islamic State’s distribution
system for exporting oil had remained largely intact.” Largely intact!
Today, U.S. policy has purportedly shifted to inflicting a modicum of
greater damage on ISIS oil fields—at least this is what U.S. officials
state for the record!
Meanwhile, Turkey has been more than content to stand by, if not assist
in, the ISIS slaughter of Kurdish fighters in Kobani and elsewhere. The
Turkish government prefers the massacre of its oppressed Kurdish
population by ISIS to the Kurds’ advancing their historic struggle for
national liberation and self-determination. But the Kurdish leadership,
which mistakenly accepts support from the U.S., nevertheless repeatedly
states that their objective is self-determination for a future Kurdistan
and not the removal of the Assad government.
Conflicting interests among U.S. allies
There is little doubt that the special regional interests of all
U.S.-allied nations, from Turkey to the Gulf State oil monarchies, NATO,
as well as Israel, play a role in the present Syrian and related Middle
East wars. But these interests are invariably subordinate to those of
the dominant and only world superpower—U.S. imperialism.
Both the Saudis and Israelis bitterly complained when the Obama
administration signed the recent nuclear accords with Iran. The Saudis
were not pleased when the U.S. stood mute when it bombed Yemen to
smithereens, although the U.S. secretly supplied the Saudi military with
the intelligence to do so. In all these instances, and several others,
there are undoubtedly conflicting interests, with the U.S. preferring to
resume, for example, its long-interrupted exploitation of Iranian oil
while the Saudis see Shiite Iran as a rival for financial and political
influence in the region.
Today, as the U.S. purports to increase bombing of ISIS oil facilities,
the Saudis do the opposite and cease its essentially minimal or token
bombing of ISIS, instead turning Saudi air power to its ongoing
slaughter in Yemen. In the same vein, Turkey idly stands by, if not
assists, as ISIS slaughters the Kurds, while U.S. military policymakers,
for their own imperial reasons to be sure, aim their airpower at ISIS in
“support” of Kurds. But again, these realities on the ground are
fundamentally subordinate to the greater aims and objectives of the U.S.
imperial behemoth. No one would deny, for example, that the U.S. has not
at any time in history ever supported the historic struggle of the
Kurdish people to reunite their long imperialist-divided Kurdish nation.
An insightful Dec. 3 New York Times article entitled “Germany Rebukes
Its Own Intelligence Agency for Criticizing Saudi Policy” makes this
clear. The article begins: “The German government issued an unusual
public rebuke to its own foreign intelligence service on Thursday over a
blunt memo stating that Saudi Arabia was playing an increasingly
destabilizing role in the Middle East.”
The secret memo, leaked by sources inside the German agency, the BND,
noted: “Saudi rivalry with Iran for supremacy in the Middle East, as
well as Saudi dependency on the United States, were the main drivers of
Saudi foreign policy.” And further, this embarrassing memo, repudiated
by the Angela Merkel government, stated: “In Syria, Saudi Arabia’s aim
was always to oust President Bashar al-Assad, and that has not changed”
(emphasis added).
We should add here that the French move to bomb ISIS is not without its
limitations. The New York Times aptly notes: “While France has been
conducting scores of airstrikes against the Islamic State in Iraq, it
has been bombing inside Syria only sparingly, wary of inadvertently
strengthening the hand of President Bashar al-Assad by killing his enemies.”
Imperialism’s major policy shift
The recent Russian intervention in Syria at the request of the Assad
government has convinced virtually all that Assad’s immediate removal is
no longer on the order of the day. Hence, we see all the anti-Assad
forces, governments, their patrons and the like scurrying to conferences
around the world to patch together diverse and sometimes warring
coalitions to eventually meet in negotiations with the Assad government
to partake in the determination of Syria’s future.
This unfolding worldwide U.S.-orchestrated “negotiations” scene
constitutes a grotesque imperialist spectacle that tragically replicates
almost all previous U.S. maneuvers to determine the future composition
of governments that it has or seeks to remove. Literally hundreds of
parties, all favored to one degree or another by U.S. imperialism and
its allies, meet in conferences today that are virtually presided over
by Secretary of State John Kerry, and/or other top U.S. officials, to
determine who will get what in a future Syria.
The latest U.S.-orchestrated gambit unfolded during a two-day conference
in Riyadh, the Saudi Arabian capital. Entitled, “Syrian Rebels Form Bloc
for New Round of Peace Talks,” the Dec. 10 New York Times describes it
well: ”An array of Syrian opposition groups agreed here on Thursday to
form a new and more inclusive body to guide the diverse and divided
opponents of President Bashad al-Assad in a new round of planned talks
aimed at ending the Syrian civil war.
“The formation of such a body has been seen by the United States and the
opposition’s other international supporters as a prerequisite for new
talks, and the new body appeared to fit the bill by pulling together
political dissidents who have long distrusted one another as well as
rebel groups fighting the Syrian Army. ‘This is the widest participation
for the opposition, inside and outside of Syria, and we have the
participation of the armed groups,’ said Hadi al-Bahra, a member of the
exiled Syrian National Coalition who attended the two-day conference
that produced the new body.”
(We should note here that the Kurds rejected participation at the Riyadh
conference and instead organized their own meeting in Kurdish-occupied
regions. None of the participants advocated the Assad government’s
removal. In some of these Kurdish areas the Assad government continues
to pay the salaries of Kurdish officials—a détente of sorts.)
The Riyadh conference signaled a major shift in the orientation of U.S.
imperialism and its allies over the past five years. Previously, all
such conferences were premised on the understanding that the Assad
government must fall via the military actions of all its opponents,
included those armed and financed by the U.S.
Today, this equation has dramatically changed in that the Assad
government is expected by all to have a prime seat at the scheduled late
January negotiating sessions. That is, assuming the present
U.S./UN-brokered agreements hold, the U.S.-led effort to remove Assad by
the application of military force, will be set aside in favor of a
negotiated settlement with the Assad government representatives at one
side of the “bargaining table” and the combined forces, yet to be
specifically determined, of all U.S.-allied forces in all their
reactionary manifestations, on the other.
Right of oppressed nations to self-determination
The right to self-determination of oppressed nations, historically
trampled on by imperialist conquerors and colonizers over the past
several centuries, applies with full force to Syria today. It applies to
all oppressed nations regardless of the qualities or class nature of
their leadership.
From the time of the 1917 Russian Revolution led by Vladimir Lenin and
Leon Trotsky, and long before, the defeat of the imperialist, colonial
oppressor has always been central to revolutionary internationalist
working-class politics even if the oppressed nation was led by feudal
monarchs.
U.S. imperialist war and intervention today represents nothing less than
the crystallization and ruthless application of the ruling-class power
of an American capitalism in crisis—a crisis so deep that the
imperialist beast is compelled to send its armies, privatized death
squads, drones, and surrogates everywhere on earth to advance its interests.
Today, U.S. imperialism is focused on the Middle East, where its
multiple wars against the oppressed people and nations have wrought
untold death and destruction. Yet, U.S. policy in that oil-rich region
remains in an advanced state of disarray. Having conquered Iraq with
military force virtually unequalled in the modern era, the establishment
of a stable regime that can guarantee U.S. control of that nation’s vast
fossil fuel resources remains in question. The latest tyrant that the
U.S. installed, Haider al-Abadi, fears that Iraq’s military and
political association with the U.S. can only outrage vast portions of
its population, which have experienced first hand the horrors unleashed
by the U.S. military machine. Indeed, it is widely accepted that past
U.S. policies in Iraq laid the foundations for the emergence of ISIS.
In the wake of virtually all U.S. Middle East wars over the past decade
and longer, “failed states” have been the inevitable outcome. In Libya,
Iraq, and Afghanistan, death and destruction and endless internecine
wars waged by competing tribal-based reactionary groups are accompanied
by almost unbelievable human suffering—poverty, disease and
starvation—U.S. imperialism’s trademark and legacy for whomever it conquers.
Again, unconditional support to the right of self-determination of all
oppressed nations, free from all imperialist intervention in all its
manifestations, is a central and strategic component of revolutionary
socialist politics.
Having affirmed this fundamental working-class principle, support to
self-determination is not at all synonymous with political support to
the governments or regimes of these oppressed nations—in the case of
Syria, the Bashar al-Assad government. Socialists have no illusions that
the Assad regime represents any form of revolutionary nationalist or
otherwise progressive break with capitalism.
Neither do we hold that the Assad government strives to achieve an
egalitarian society that advances the interests of the working class and
peasant majority as against Syria’s capitalist elite.
Nevertheless, the removal of Assad’s oppressive capitalist Syrian regime
is the sole responsibility of the Syrian people, not U.S. imperialism
and its reactionary allied forces.
Socialist Action’s unanimously adopted 2014 national convention
Political Resolution makes this absolutely clear: “Today’s war in Syria
is a war between U.S. imperialism’s direct and indirect
capitalist-fundamentalist and reactionary forces on the one hand and the
capitalist Assad government on the other. The Syria masses have no
independently organized political, military or economic presence. Under
these circumstances, Socialist Action stands full square against U.S.
imperialism and those allied with it in Syria and elsewhere. In accord
with our support to the right of self-determination of all oppressed
nations, even those under capitalist rule, we are for the defeat of the
U.S.-backed imperialist intervention in all its forms.
“We oppose its direct aid to the FSA or its indirect support or
acquiescence to ISIS, through U.S. surrogates in Turkey, Saudi Arabia,
Qatar or anywhere else. In the U.S. this translates into our full
support of the key demand and the actions called by the United National
Antiwar Coalition (UNAC) to “End All U.S. Intervention In Syria!”
Socialists include in this strategic orientation the absolute necessity
of Syrian workers and peasants, however difficult and distant under the
present circumstances, to struggle to form their own independent
fighting revolutionary socialist parties aimed not only at opposing all
imperialist wars, including in Syria, but at establishing socialist
societies where capitalist exploitation and oppression are forever ended.
Syria’s right to seek allies against imperialist intervention
Syria’s right to self-determination necessarily includes the right of
the Syrian government to seek and accept the support of the militia
fighters that are today defending Syria against imperialist intervention
in several of its manifestations. These include fighters from Lebanon
and Iran, that is, the forces of Hezbollah, who defeated the last
Israeli invasion of their country, and the Shiite militias from Iran,
who, in the past, joined with Shiite fighters in Iraq to challenge the
U.S. invasion and war against that nation.
In a similar vein, the agreements recently signed by Syria with Iran,
Hezbollah, and Russia to share intelligence information in fighting
ISIS, al-Qaeda and all other groups aimed at removing the Assad
government, including the 13-nation U.S. imperialist-led “coalition,”
fall squarely within Syria’s right to self-determination. This includes
Syria’s agreement to accept Russian air, naval, and related military
support to accomplish the same end.
President Obama has repeatedly asserted that U.S. war aims in Syria are
“strategically” opposed to those of the Russians. U.S. imperialism has
been organized for almost five years to overthrow the Assad regime.
Whatever its motives, the Russians are in Syria at the behest of the
Syrian government, not to overthrow it.
Undoubtedly, the Russian capitalist government of Vladimir Putin has its
own reasons for accepting Syria’s invitation to intervene, including
NATO’s increasing encroachment on its borders and the U.S. and European
Union economic sanctions. Revolutionary socialists suffer no illusions
that capitalist Russia can serve as Syria’s strategic ally in the
present war. Indeed, the Putin government has consistently and cynically
offered itself as a mediator in the Syrian war, repeatedly proposing a
“negotiated solution” wherein all parties, including U.S. imperialism
and its NATO allies, as well as the Saudis and others, will collectively
decide Syria’s fate.
Following Putin’s private talks with John Kerry, Putin remarked, “We
have an understanding how we should proceed if we talk about a political
settlement. We need to work on a new [Syrian] constitution, new
elections and the control over their outcome” (emphasis added). Thus,
Putin’s cynical mindset, as with his U.S. negotiating counterparts,
includes his thesis that Syria’s fate is to be determined not by the
Syrian people but by the deals brokered by others, indeed, by deals
whose “outcome” is “controlled” in advance.
At least for the moment, however, Russia on the one hand and U.S.
imperialism on the other are on opposite sides of a U.S. imperialist-led
war against the poor and oppressed Syrian nation.
Russia is no newcomer to “deals” in the Middle East. It gave its assent
to the U.S./NATO “humanitarian war” against Libya that essentially
destroyed that country. Revolutionary socialists should indeed expect
Russia to include at the “negotiating” table the advancement of its own
interests even if these are at odds with those of the Syrian people.
Yet Russia’s actions in driving ISIS and related pro-U.S. forces farther
from the government-held Damascus capital and surrounding regions has
undoubtedly altered the calculus of imperialism’s previous equation,
that is, the military conquest of Syria and the imposition of a new
regime directly beholden to U.S. imperialist interests. Perhaps now,
given the reality on the ground that the Assad government has not been
obliterated, as originally planned, the outcome will be perhaps somewhat
less onerous with regard to Syria. Socialists cannot be neutral in such
matters.
Similarly, with the Russian air force entry into Syria, the various
“no-fly zones” previously contemplated by the Obama administration and
formally proposed by leading Democrats (Hillary Clinton) and Republicans
are today excluded. Clinton herself stated bluntly that with the Russian
entry this overt U.S.-imposed “no-fly zone” option was no longer a
viable option.
The tragedy of Syria today
We are nevertheless compelled to recognize that any “negotiated
settlement” to the imperialist-led war against Syrian cannot be expected
to represent a lasting gain for the Syrian people. Absent a powerful
revolutionary force on the field of action to effectively challenge both
the imperialist intervention and pose a working-class alternative to the
Assad regime, the likely outcome will be some variant of an
imperialist-imposed “regime change”—as opposed to an outright
imperialist-led conquest and occupation of Syria, the latter being the
original and now apparently thwarted, for the time being at least,
intention of the U.S. warmakers.
The Russian intervention may well have prevented the overt marching of
reactionary jihadist/religious fundamentalist groups or other
imperialist-allied forces into Damascus with a resulting Libyan-type
chaos, anarchy, and bloodbath to follow. Historic tragedy has a habit of
unfolding in a myriad of forms—some less devastating than others. Here
we have a distinction, perhaps with a significant difference, in that
the opportunities for future Syrian anti-capitalist struggles may become
somewhat improved.
Antiwar and social justice fighters can best help to tilt the scale in
favor of Syria’s people and future class-struggle fighters by building
the most powerful U.S. movement possible demanding the immediate and
unconditional withdrawal of U.S. military aid and forces in all their
manifestations from Syria. Removing the imperialist boot from Syria and
the Middle East more generally best opens the door for the oppressed
masses to resume their struggle.
U.S. out now! Self-determination for Syria!
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Posted in Anti-War, International, Middle East. | Tagged imperialism,
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