The problem I have with this article is that the Bolshevik's dreams
were corrupted by Joseph Stalin.
How long would such a new government hold power in America, given what
we see of the multiple layers of unrest, mistrust and hatred?
Carl Jarvis
"It would require an entirely new government, a revolutionary
government, to act on the principles that the ruling classes have long
proclaimed but long
ignored. One hundred years ago, in the midst of World War I,
revolutionaries in Russia led by Lenin and Trotsky created a new
political order that brought
the workers, peasants, and soldiers to power. They published openly
the secret diplomatic treaties approved by the Russian Tsar, and they
guaranteed self-determination
to the peoples denied equality in the Russian Empire. The socialist
government that will someday come to power in the U.S. will be
inspired by the example
of Lenin’s Bolshevik Party."
On 2/25/17, Roger Loran Bailey <dmarc-noreply@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
https://socialistaction.org/2017/02/23/the-record-of-u-s-intervention-against-other-countries/
The record of U.S. intervention against other countries
/ 1 day ago
feb-2017-bay-of-pigs
By JOE AUCIELLO
If there is a training manual for the sons and daughters of the 1% on
how to govern, a kind of “How To Fool and Rule The Masses For
Dummies”—it’s easy enough to imagine the need for such a guide—then
surely the deluxe edition would include links to what on “The Sopranos”
was called “G1.” Recall the Godfather (Marlon Brando) warning his
impetuous eldest son: “Never tell anyone outside the Family what you’re
thinking again.”
Enter President Donald Trump, who brushed aside the findings of U.S.
intelligence services that suggest Russia hacked into Democratic Party
files to discredit candidate Hillary Clinton and influence the elections
in favor of Trump. These allegations, Trump said, were “ridiculous.”
In a turnaround, a reversal that was only a matter of time, Mr. Trump
later agreed that the hacking really did occur. But he still maintains
that despite the damaging leaks against Ms. Clinton, “there was
absolutely no effect on the outcome of the election.” Americans, then,
need not fear for the sanctity of their political institutions—President
Trump will resolve any problems.
What’s more, while in a recent press conference, Mr. Trump claimed there
was a positive result from the Russian attacks (“look at what was
learned from that hacking”) and that the cyberattacks against the United
States would end once he was sworn in as president. This shift in
practice would be the result of the “warm relationship” between the
presidents of Russia and the U.S.
These are not the words Mr. Trump is expected to speak or the (in)action
he is expected to take. “The Ruling Class Rule Book” would say that the
incoming president should lock arms with all his class comrades,
President Obama on his left, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell on
his right, and, stern of voice and firm of jaw, denounce this foreign
intervention into American elections, a violation of the core principle
of democracy.
Instead, the American people were afforded the small pleasure of
watching the ruling class, especially its right wing, fight among
themselves as they tried to determine some response to what they cannot
even agree has happened.
Arizona Republican Senator John McCain declared that Russian hacking is
“an act of war,” while Kentucky Republican Senator McConnell, the voice
of reason among reactionaries, solemnly intoned from Capitol Hill, “The
Russians are not our friends.” More recently, Director of National
Intelligence James Clapper told the Senate Armed Services Committee that
Russia was an “existential threat to the United States.”
Mr. Clapper went on to say, “I think the public should know as much
about this as possible. … And so we’ll be as forthcoming as we can…”
The intelligence chief’s seeming concern for a knowledgeable public was
a reversal from his past practice. During a 2013 Senate Intelligence
Committee hearing, in answer to the question of whether the National
Security Agency (NSA) collects “any type of data at all on millions or
hundreds of millions of Americans,” Clapper answered “No.”
Of course, it was later shown that this statement—a prepared response to
a question provided in advance—was thoroughly false. The NSA does in
fact collect data in bulk from internet and telephone companies from
millions of Americans. (See the August 2015 article by Jeff Mackler,
“Snowden exposes new NSA spying” in Socialist Action). Mr. Clapper
claimed he spoke erroneously but did not lie.
Whether or not the assertions of leaders of U.S. intelligence services,
and, later, the findings of a joint House-Senate investigation, are
ultimately proven and accepted, the allegations themselves are serious.
Of course, the United States and its people have the right to conduct
their national elections, flawed as they are, free from the intervention
of other nations. These are universal rights applicable to countries all
over the earth.
Maurice Bishop, former prime minister of revolutionary Grenada, said
many times to the United States that “our relations must be
characterized by the fundamental principle of mutual equality,
regardless of size of country, size of population, or extent of
resources” (“Maurice Bishop Speaks,” 1983, p. 77).
The U.S. government could uphold this principle by respecting the rights
of foreign nations and not interfering in their internal affairs. The
U.S. government should renounce its prior interventions in the affairs
of other countries, and even pay reparations for its many
transgressions. It’s time to fulfill the unkept promise of former
President Obama and close the U.S. naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba.
Dismantle the 800 U.S. military bases implanted in more than 70
countries around the world.
To uncover the sordid historical record, consider the end of the 19th
century, when the United States declared war against Spain. Historian
William Appleman Williams wrote: “The tragedy of American diplomacy is
aptly symbolized, and defined for analysis and reflection, by the
relations between the United States and Cuba from April 21, 1898 through
April 21, 1961”—that is, the armed invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs
(“The Tragedy of American Diplomacy,” 1962, p. 1).
A nearer starting point might be 1953, halfway through the 20th century,
and several years after the United States accepted the Charter of the
United Nations, which asserts “the principle of equal rights and
self-determination of peoples.” Historians and political commentators
have largely agreed with Richard J. Barnet, who wrote, “The intervention
in Iran in 1953 to unseat Premier Mohammed Mossadeq was America’s first
successful attempt in the postwar period to subvert a nationalist
government” (“Intervention and Revolution,” 1968, p. 226).
For the present, it is certainly true that the kind of foreign policy
proposals outlined here are not likely to be encountered from reading
the news or watching the news-talk shows. As “Democracy Now” host Amy
Goodman wrote, “most of the journalists who reach thousands—and in some
cases millions—of readers and viewers do nothing but parrot the
government line” (“The Exception To The Rulers,” 2004, p. 283).
The federal government and its supposed media watchdogs share the same
basic assumptions about the U.S. role in the world. Marx noted long ago
that the ideas of the rulers are the ideas that rule. For reporters, a
shared consensus with the officials about whom they report is simply the
price of admission. Deviation brings exclusion. The Trump administration
is gleefully applying this principle with special vigor.
Naturally enough, the democratic ideas presented here will never be
discussed in a President Trump cabinet meeting, just as they were not
considered in a President Obama cabinet meeting and would not have been
raised in a Hillary Clinton administration. These ideas will never come
before Congress in the form of legislation or in any other form.
It would require an entirely new government, a revolutionary government,
to act on the principles that the ruling classes have long proclaimed
but long ignored. One hundred years ago, in the midst of World War I,
revolutionaries in Russia led by Lenin and Trotsky created a new
political order that brought the workers, peasants, and soldiers to
power. They published openly the secret diplomatic treaties approved by
the Russian Tsar, and they guaranteed self-determination to the peoples
denied equality in the Russian Empire. The socialist government that
will someday come to power in the U.S. will be inspired by the example
of Lenin’s Bolshevik Party.
Photo: Fidel Castro addresses Cuban soldiers in 1961 after 1300
CIA-backed counter-revolutionary troops landed at Playa Girón (Bay of
Pigs).
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February 23, 2017 in Anti-War, Cuba, International, Trump / U.S.
Government.
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