Carl,
The Jews who acted as Capos in Nazi concentration camps, had more of an excuse
for doing so than Ben Carson has for selling out his people. If I believed that
there is a hell, I'd assign him, and Clarence Thomas, to a special place in it.
Miriam
-----Original Message-----
From: blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
<blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> On Behalf Of Carl Jarvis
Sent: Monday, May 14, 2018 12:02 AM
To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [blind-democracy] Re: The Heartless Math of 'Carsonomics'
Good Mother's Day evening, Miriam and all good old mothers and fathers.
Just as an aside, did you know that my great, great aunt was the moving force
behind Mother's day. She never married, and lived with, or near her mother in
the area of Grafton, West Virginia. Back when John Jarvis farmed the land, it
was the Virginia Colony(1756-1843) John married a widow woman who already had a
son. Among his children, my several times great grandfather John had a son in
1816, when he was
60 years old. That was a good thing because that son would grow up to be the
father of my great grandfather...I think.
But the Jarvis's were quite prevalent in the Grafton area back then.
Anna Jarvis, who was named after her mother, Anna Jarvis, was active in
assisting the wounded during the Civil War. My grandmother Jarvis insists that
Anna was a great aunt of some sort. It could be true, but I have tried to link
her to the John Jarvis crowd, without success.
To my knowledge, the Jarvis's never had slaves. But if someone in the family
tells me differently, I won't argue. But my grandmother Jarvis's dad, Thomas
Hickman, had four slaves. The story goes that when Abe Lincoln delivered his
emancipation proclamation, Thomas Hickman gathered his four slaves and their
families together and announced that they were free. He told them they could
leave, or feel free to stay. He said he could not afford to pay a decent wage,
but they would have their living quarters(shacks) and never go hungry.
Having just been given their freedom, these folks had nowhere to go.
They had never been educated. So they stayed. This was in Missouri, near
Joplin. I wish I knew the names these slaves took, because I'd really love to
learn that Ben Carson was descended from Great Grandpa's former slaves.
But I don't want to single Ben Carson out. He, despite his African blood, is a
paid up member in the White American Empire. Still, why pick on old uncle Ben?
All the Trump Lackeys/cabinet members should be run out of town on the same
rail, tarred and feathered. I don't mistake the fact that they all are looking
out for their own interests, as well as for those of their Masters, the
American Empire.
Which, of course, is exactly why I do not relate to those people.
Their ways are not the ways of the common working class. We need to stop
trying to snuggle up to them, and get the tar pots boiling. Ben Carson can
sell out his people if he wants to do so, but my roots are far too deep.
Carl Jarvis
On 5/13/18, Miriam Vieni <miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
Well Carl, I don't want to make you feel sad. This was the third
article that I found and posted in response to the fawning interview
with Ben Carson that Richard posted.
Miriam
-----Original Message-----
From: blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
<blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> On Behalf Of Carl Jarvis
Sent: Sunday, May 13, 2018 5:56 PM
To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [blind-democracy] Re: The Heartless Math of 'Carsonomics'
At times I feel like a flat tire...and that's on a good day.
Carl Jarvis
On 5/13/18, Miriam Vieni <miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
The Heartless Math of 'Carsonomics'
Ben Carson, now the secretary of housing and urban development, in
2015 during his run for the GOP nomination for president. (John
Locker / AP)
I lived in one of London’s first council housing projects after World
War II. That experience showed me how a country (the United Kingdom,
in this
case) could create affordable housing and maintain a nice aesthetic,
using social architecture to benefit both society and building
inhabitants.
In 1952, the architects Chamberlin, Powell & Bon built the Golden
Lane Estate in London on top of a bombed-out site. They sought to
imbue the city with an architectural model of social housing that was
utilitarian, functional and beautiful. Influenced by Le Corbusier,
Mies van der Rohe, Frank Lloyd Wright and Ludwig Hilberseimer, the
modernism of this structure is to London what Unité d’habitation is
to Marseille in France.
These estates in the U.K. have nothing in common with the American
model of social housing—often called “projects”—which are, if
anything, the nightmarish antithesis to the British ideal of social
housing. The American model of social housing is related to the
gentrification of cities. This keeps certain types of people outside
of certain parts of town and makes land accessible/affordable for an
elite class.
But this practice is not new. With the establishment of the National
Housing Act of 1934, both the Federal Housing Administration and the
Federal Home Loan Bank Board were created in the same year, and the
abuse known as “redlining” was born. Redlining is the way key
services (e.g., home loans,
insurance) are denied or when costs are raised for residents of a
specific geographical area. These actions resulted in black
neighborhoods being deemed unsafe and unwise investments. Hence, it
was next to impossible for African-Americans to get loans. This
helped to concentrate poverty in certain neighborhoods. When social
housing was constructed, these “projects”
became pockets of poverty, segregation and forced underdevelopment.
Growing impoverishment and large social housing blocks brought
problems such as crime, degraded public education and decrepit—even
nonexistent—public services.
While the Fair Housing Act of 1968 was meant to tackle these problems
of concentrated poverty and underdevelopment, there was little
enforcement of this law, as Nikole Hannah-Jones documented for
ProPublica. In essence, a law was created and purposefully allowed to
be unenforced—to suit those who benefited from social and economic
segregation at the time.
In this manner, the legacy of the American model of public housing,
compared with countries like Austria, is an embarrassment. The
Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) has 5 million
low-income households (accounting for 10 million individuals) within
HUD-subsidized housing in the U.S. And although America has been home
to some architecturally beautiful housing projects, this is not the
rule in the public housing history of the country.
Most people in U.S. government-subsidized housing are not enjoying
scenic views like the ones from Barbican or living in posh areas such
as Hampstead.
Now, with the rising cost of living and increasing problems of
employment in the U.S., the housing market is slowing down. This
trend—and regulations that have been designed to inform consumers of
their rights, while enforcing fairness with the Truth in Lending Act
(TILA) and the grass-roots bill S.
2155—makes getting home loans more difficult. With more Americans
renting today than at any time over the past 50 years, the pressure
on the public sector is mounting and is not aided by our own
government officials. Even the National Low-Income Housing Coalition
has stated that there are 7.2 million fewer “affordable and
available” homes than needed for extremely low-income households.
If anything, the current administration’s interest in lower-income
housing can be summed up with the recent proposal of U.S. Housing and
Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson, who has created the Make
Affordable Housing Work Act.
Sit down for this one.
Carson’s plan would raise the rent of those in public housing to 35
percent of household income (from the current 30 percent) while
eliminating all deductions that could in any way lower this rental
contribution. This proposed bill would force low-income households to
pay more—not less—of their earnings in rent, basically tripling the
rent for the poorest. So the “affordable” part of this act must refer
to the affordability for the state, not the individual or family.
Carson claims that these changes “would require adults who are able
to work to shoulder more of their housing costs and provide an
incentive to increase their earnings.” Not only does this kind of
thinking contradict actual research which demonstrates that
affordable housing improves economic self-sufficiency while
increasing children’s future earnings, but such an approach flies in
the face of basic mathematics, where paying more does not mean having
more. It clearly means having less for the basic necessities of
survival. Along with education and health care, housing is a human
right, with many viable options for the government to implement.
Last month, Peter Gowan and Ryan Cooper of the think tank People’s
Policy Project (3P) suggested that municipal governments across the
United States build millions of units of social housing. With their
proposal, municipalities would use municipal bond markets, loans from
the federal government and federal grants that replicated already
existing grants (i.e., the low-income housing tax credit program) to
finance the construction of new housing.
This plan proves to be advantageous from various perspectives. First,
the costs would be kept to a minimum since the interest rates on
government debt are lower than on any other type of financing.
Second, this model of construction would be built with greater social
cooperation and thus would be more efficiently undertaken. The
consensus among those who support the anti-gentrification model of
urban development is that short-term construction models would be
better used if they focus on the middle, rather than the high end, of
the market, where housing units can be constructed with smaller
square footage per unit even if sacrificing certain amenities.
The 3P plan suggests that the newly built housing units be managed
through a public authority or a local property management company.
However, missing from 3P’s project is a green architecture
perspective that is typically found in social housing units in other
countries.
Such considerations are necessary in an era where resources are
limited and the means for processing energy can be easily integrated
into building structure and planning. For example, Vo Trong Nghia
introduced the S House and S House
3 for low-income residents in the Mekong Delta, Vietnam, a social
housing project that adapts to the landscape and in which the
dwellings can be assembled in only three hours. The Astrolarbre in
Paris is a 12-unit housing project designed around a single oak tree
with rainwater harvesting and gardens incorporated into the
architecture. The Poljane Community Housing in Maribor, Slovenia,
incorporates roof gardens into its structure, while the housing
project in Mieres, Spain, relies on solar power and passive solar
energy. And, as architecture has changed to accommodate climate
change, so have materials, with many architects returning to wood or
mixtures of steel and wood.
What we can learn from social housing models in other countries is
that housing can be made affordably and without being ugly.
Embracing an ecological and aesthetic approach to social housing in
the future will rely upon getting politicians like Ben Carson on
board with basic math—and a pinch of humanity.
Julian Vigo
Julian Vigo is an independent scholar, filmmaker and activist who
specializes in ethnography, cultural studies, political philosophy
and postcolonial theory...
