My one and only effort to organize a union, ended in failure. I
learned up close and personal that the company was far more powerful
than a handful of workers. Our defeat only pointed to the need of a
worker's union.
But I also learned, first hand, of the gut wrenching fear of losing my
job. I had a family, a wife and a small daughter. I had a house
payment. I had utilities and groceries and all of the expenses that
are needed to keep a person in the job market. And to fight the good
fight, and loose? At the time I felt crushed, but later on I could
see how much I had learned from the experience.
We need a People's Union...for the 99% who have little support. But
we've allowed ourselves to be fractured by the 1%. We have
established make believe classes among ourselves. We think that a
college education makes us "better". Or we wear a white collar and
look down on those wearing blue collars. Color keeps us apart, as
well as our sex. And even our God is fractured into many little
Cults, so we can fight among ourselves. And yet, all of us are the
property of the Ruling Class. We send our sons...and now our
daughters, to fight the wars begun by our Masters. We build their
weapons, grow their crops, build their mansions, protect their homes
and places of business, and we do it all for a fraction of what we
should be receiving.
Carl Jarvis
On 3/21/17, Roger Loran Bailey <dmarc-noreply@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
https://socialistaction.org/2017/03/19/labor-briefing-march-2017/
Labor Briefing: March 2017
/ 2 days ago
By BILL ONASCH
A Clean Win For Janitors—It took six years of strikes and
demonstrations, but the tenacity of 600 Twin Cities janitors, nearly all
people of color, many of them immigrants, has secured a first union
contract. It was a tripartite struggle. These members of SEIU Local 26
actually clean Big Box retail stores like Target, Best Buy, and Macy’s.
But their paychecks come from janitorial service companies contracted by
these high-profile merchants. The pressure on these retailers, who
didn’t like being associated with the ruthless exploitation by their
contractors, is what finally won a first agreement that can win even
better future gains. This concludes the Good News section of this
month’s Briefing.
Fake News—I received a gushing e-mail from Jobs with Justice about a
“breakthrough settlement” ending a 105-day strike at the Momentive
Performance Materials chemical plant in Waterford, N.Y. I am always
eager to find some upbeat labor stories, so I did some digging. I found
a comprehensive description of the deal, brokered by Democrat (and
Working Families Party) Governor Cuomo, in the Albany Times-Union, a
paper often giving fair coverage to unions.
That paper’s honest reporting made clear that the breakthrough benefited
only the hedge fund vulture owners determined to make Momentive more
attractive for a “flip” to another buyer. The final deal was even more
onerous than what the workers in two IUE-CWA locals had overwhelmingly
rejected when they went on strike in November.
Retiree health insurance was eliminated and active worker benefits
greatly reduced. A week of vacation time was lost. The signing bonus in
lieu of a wage increase was further slashed from the pre-strike offer of
$3000 to $1000. And the agreement did not guarantee reinstatement of 27
workers fired for “strike misconduct.”
I would never second-guess workers, most with families to support, who
after going without pay for more than three months reluctantly decide it
was time to go back to work with their union intact to fight again
another day. Even then, the vote in the main local of production workers
was no slam dunk—317-211 to accept the Governor’s deal.
I don’t know enough about the union’s strategy and tactics to rush to
judgment of a “sell-out.” Sometimes the relationship of class forces
confounds even ably led unions. There is no dishonor in losing a bravely
fought battle. But those who try to spin a devastating defeat in to a
breakthrough victory deserve nothing but contempt.
The Decline of the Strike—In last month’s Briefing, we looked at the
annual report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics that showed another
decline in union membership and density numbers. This month we’ll deal
with the BLS report on strikes.
While there was actually a slight uptick in the number of strikes,
strikers, and strike durations last year over 2015 numbers, it is
unlikely this indicates a reversal of the decades-long decline in these
stats. The big CWA-IBEW strike against Verizon is what swelled the 2016
figures.
However, there are some caveats to keep in mind in analyzing the
downward trend. The BLS only counts strikes or lockouts of 1000 or more
workers. The Momentive strike that began last year is one example of
those too small to be counted. A thousand was a more reasonable cut-off
when these reports began in 1947. But private sector workplaces have
been greatly reduced in size by technology and outsourcing. National
contracts that once covered tens, even hundreds of thousands of workers
are today rare, and the few remaining have shrunk drastically. Nor are
short strikes by workers without a certified union—such as the Twin
Cities janitors and thousands of fast-food workers—tallied.
But these factors, which also contributed to union membership loss,
don’t fully account for the much steeper decline in strikes that have
plummeted over the last few decades. From 1967-76 there were 3321 major
strikes. For 1987-96 that number was down to 404. In the just concluded
2007-16, there were only 143.
The Labor Briefing format is inadequate for an in-depth analysis of the
factors leading to this paucity of strikes—the traditional “ultimate”
workers’ weapon in the class struggle in the workplace. It certainly
involves a dominant trend of the mainstream union bureaucracy to seek
“partnership” with the boss. This leads to peaceful surrender of hard
won past achievements in wages and conditions—especially through odious
tiered wages and benefits affecting only new hires, undermining solidarity.
The IAM’s Debacle In North Charleston—The class collaborationist
bureaucracy that abhors strikes also poisons organizing
efforts—dramatically illustrated last month in the dismal failure of the
IAM’s drive to organize Boeing’s runaway plant in North Charleston,
South Carolina. The final vote was 2097-731. The IAM vote total shMArch
2017 Boeingowed they lost the support of more than 700 workers who had
signed union authorization cards that led to the election.
Most early commentators speculated that the Machinist organizers had
gone off half-cocked and didn’t do the necessary home visits and
community outreach. That the election was premature is valid—but that
decision was made several pay grades above the organizers on the scene.
All indications show that the field organizers used all the best
practices. They were assisted by the small but militant local labor
movement—especially the predominantly African-American Longshore and ATU
transit locals. They spent an allowed $20,000 on television advertising.
Of course, as could be expected, the company, and the area Chamber of
Commerce, spent a lot more money warning that unions would block
economic growth. Boeing used their “captive audience” meetings with
workers to not only slander the union that is a “partner” in Seattle and
other places, but also exposing some inconvenient truths.
They revealed not only the rotten sell-out deals the International
leaders had imposed at Harley-Davidson but also at Boeing in Seattle.
There the top bureaucracy collaborated with Boeing and state politicians
against the local union to force a contract reopener with enormous
give-backs. Undoubtedly, many in South Carolina concluded they didn’t
need a union to negotiate cuts in wages and benefits.
Mike Elk, Michael Schreiber, and Adam Shils contributed to this month’s
Briefing. If you have a story appropriate for this column please contact
billonasch@xxxxxxxxxxx. Photo: A Boeing work in North Charleston, S.C.
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March 19, 2017 in Labor.
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