Bolivia December 24, 2019
Bolivia's free territory of Chapare has ousted the coup regime and is
bracing for a bloody re-invasion
Spending time with the union members of Chapare, who run society in a
collective fashion, offers special insights into the resistance to the coup.
They succeeded in expelling the police, but now fear a bloodbath in
retaliation.
By Ollie Vargas
Cochabamba, Bolivia - Known as Bolivia's Chapare region, the Tropico of
Cochabamba is a sanctuary for elected President Evo Morales' most dedicated
base of support. Since the November 10 coup, it has effectively become a
self-governing territory where the military junta is absent.
The police and military were sent in full retreat from this area the coup
began and were told they would only be welcomed back if the they "get on
their knees and apologize" to the community.
In this 12,000 square kilometer swath of land, hundreds of unions have
flourished over the years. I spent several days with the union rank and
file, witnessing how they run society in a collective fashion, and how they
have organized ferocious resistance to a right-wing coup government that
threatens to destroy them.
Despite the resilience on display here, there is also a sense of dread.
Union leaders told me that if the state decides to militarize the region, as
it has threatened, a bloodbath is practically inevitable. If the violent
crackdown arrives, it could unravel a social structure they have been
steadily constructing for decades.
Transforming the region
Chapare has always had a high degree of self-governance, owing to the needs
of the community. When the neoliberal Bolivian governments of the 1980s
closed down a large number of state mines in Potosi and Oruro, many rural
workers "relocalized" to this tropical region to grow coca and other crops.
The presence of former mine workers, who were part of the revolutionary
struggles of Bolivia's miners union, infused the indigenous campesino
communities with a radical proletarian tradition.
A Chapare union named Llallagua after one of the largest former mining towns
in North Potosi.
Relocalization was far from a smooth process, however. The US was stepping
up its so-called war on drugs at the time, using it as a pretext to
intervene militarily in Latin America. The DEA teamed up with the Bolivian
military to declare war on the campesinos, and attempt to eradicate coca.
The commanders in that effort were DEA agents; Bolivian troops served as
foot soldiers at their disposal. The DEA was given so much power it could
determine who could enter and exit the area.
It was during the struggles against the presence of the US that Evo Morales
rose to the top of the union structures in Chapare. And in facing down the
DEA and the Bolivian military, an extraordinary level of organization was
developed.
Today, there are six union federations in the region, and within each
federation there are about 30 "centrals." Within each central there are
about 10 unions, each of which has between 100 and 200 members. The total
number of unions in Chapare numbers somewhere in the hundreds.
Due to the weak presence of the state, the unions organize most aspects of
daily life in the area. They establish plans for infrastructure projects,
manage land and social disputes in the community, set up local media
outlets, and, of course, organize the campesinos' political activities.
In 2006, then-President Evo Morales initiated a sweeping land reform effort,
bringing large territories into the hands of workers, and freeing union
members from exploitative relationships with their former landlords.
The unions won't give up these victories easily.
Taking on the coup
Since the coup, that union-based resistance of Chapare has taken on the role
of policing.
On November 10, as it became clear that the coup had overwhelmed Evo's
elected government, the police preemptively fled the area, escaping to the
nearby city of Cochabamba.
Coup officials knew that social organization was so solid in Chapare that
they would never be able to contain the resistance. And they were right.
After the coup took hold, almost every police station in the region came
under attack from the local population.
Israel, a local journalist at a union-run station called Radio Kawsachun
Coca, explained, "The people were so enraged, no one could stop them."
Israel was echoed shortly after by Senobio Carlos, the mayor of Puerto
Villaroel. "We never told the police and military to leave; they fled,"
Carlos said. "In fact, there was one military base where soldiers hadn't
managed to leave before protesters had blocked off all exits. I personally
went there and told them that I would guarantee their safety if they join
the community and don't turn their guns on us."
Carlos said he was branded a traitor by his own community for attempting to
negotiate with the soldiers, who were whimpering for mercy. Since then, the
community's position has hardened. Union leaders now say that the police are
entirely unnecessary, and can only return if "they get on their knees and
ask for forgiveness."
With the coup's security forces expelled from the area, the workers
established what they call the union police, under the command of the
community. I met them while they were standing guard at a union meeting, and
found them without any weapons, other than a few sticks. They were drawn
from and fully accountable to the community.
The union police
Everyone I spoke to in the Chapare appeared content without the state's
police in the area. One council member, Limbert, from the local town of
Ivirgarzama, said, "We're even safer now without the police. They used to
charge truck drivers illegal tolls; they'd ambush people who were walking
home at night and steal their phones. Now we don't have that; anyone can
walk around safely in the Tropic."
Still, a few military bases have remained intact in the region. Inside,
local teenagers are performing their military service.
As the coup unfolded, a local journalist named Sabina recounted, the parents
of those young men surrounded the military base and pleaded with their
children not to side with the coup.
Since then, troops have been active, but agreed to only stay within their
base. All other military units have fled.
Is a massacre ahead?
Though the police haven't been able to re-enter the region, the coup
government has tried to punish the residents of Chapare for expelling it.
The junta has cut off all services to the public bank, Banco Union, which
across most of this region is the only national bank with ATMs.
What's more, the coup regime's interior minister, Arturo Murillo, has
threatened to deny all of Chapare the right to vote in any upcoming
elections - unless its residents allow the police to reenter.
The police loyal to Murillo, whose nickname is El Bolas (meaning "the one
with balls," in reference to his macho posturing and violent attitude), have
announced that they are preparing to "enter, jointly with the armed forces,
into the Tropic of Cochabamba, in order to establish the rule of law in this
area." They have not yet explained exactly how they would do so, but the
only possible way would be by military invasion and occupation.
"The police can't come back, people won't accept it," said Segundina
Orellana. When I asked her what could be done to combat a potential
invasion, she said that the region would rise up, and hoped that it would
push the rest of the country to do so as well.
It is not hard to see why the community won't countenance the return of the
police. On November 15, union members from this region were marching
towards the city of Cochabamba, and were shot at by officers, some from
helicopters. Nine were killed that day, in what is now known as the Sacaba
massacre.
The Bolivian media's information war intensifies
Chapare is one of the most demonized regions of the country. Mainstream
Bolivian media outlets routinely portray its population as a collection of
narco-terrorists, pumping out evidence-free claims, like the myth that
Colombian militants from FARC are controlling protests.
The reality is entirely the opposite, as the production of coca has actually
been reduced under Evo's rule, while it has skyrocketed in US-allied
countries like Peru and Colombia.
Bolivia's unions themselves play a role in ensuring that production is
controlled and destined for traditional use. In fact, most so-called
cocaleros (coca farmers) also produce fruits, rice, cheese, and other
agricultural products.
Children enjoying an Xmas event in Chapare today.
A reminder that this region is safe, peaceful and unarmed. It certainly
isn't lawless just because Bolivia's corrupt police aren't here. The coup
govt must end threats of a military attack, aimed at breaking Evo's
supporters.
