I should have posted the article I read this morning which said that Clinton
would either move to the right to capture Republicans who don't want to vote
for Trump and right leaning Independents, or she would move to the left to
capture Sanders' followers. I guess, from what you write, that she's
decided.
Miriam
-----Original Message-----
From: blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
[mailto:blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx] On Behalf Of Carl Jarvis
Sent: Friday, May 06, 2016 9:06 PM
To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [blind-democracy] Re: A Contested Convention Is Exactly What the
Democratic Party Needs
The Republican Party held its caucus on February 20.
The Democrats held theirs on March 26.
The caucuses select delegates to the two state conventions.
So yesterday I received a ballot for registering my vote for president. I
think it has to be posted by the tenth of May. But there are only two
Parties listed; Democrat and Republican. As I mentioned before, there are
at least four names on the Republican ballot, and only two on the Democrat
side. So I'm not sure how this ballot factors into the actual selection of
candidates. But nonetheless, the Democrats National Office is busy figuring
out how to block Bernie Sanders, no matter how many actual votes he
receives.
I'm convinced that Bernie would be the stronger candidate for the Democrats.
But the Central Committee has already committed themselves to Hillary
Clinton. And just look at what Clinton is doing, now that she is sure her
National Committee and the Super Delegates will sweep her into the Fall
General election. She is wooing the Bushes. And no matter how she packages
it, in order to gain favor, and votes, from the Bush followers, she will
have to make promises to them. So Hillary has the privilege of being the
first woman running for president, to demonstrate speaking from both sides
of her mouth at the same time.
I do not trust Clinton to keep any of her vague, general promises for social
reforms or higher minimum wages.
If Bernie is frozen out, regardless of what council he gives his followers,
I will vote for Jill Stein and attend the National Presidential Election as
if I were attending the Circus.
Carl Jarvis
On 5/6/16, Miriam Vieni <miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
I'm really confused. Caucuses and primaries?such progress.
Miriam
-----Original Message-----
From: blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
[mailto:blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx] On Behalf Of Carl Jarvis
Sent: Friday, May 06, 2016 3:17 PM
To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [blind-democracy] Re: A Contested Convention Is Exactly What
the Democratic Party Needs
Well, we had the Democrat Caucus, and I thought this would be the
Republican side of things. But here comes a ballot with both Parties
presidential candidates listed. Only those two Parties. But while
the column for Democratics has Bernie and Hillary, the Republican side
has 4 names. It's crazy. Next we have the two Parties State
Conventions, then the National Conventions, and then the Primary
elections prior to the General Election.
And the sad thing is that people will think that with all the voting
they will have participated in the running of their government, when
actually the choices have been mostly made for them.
Carl Jarvis
On 5/6/16, Miriam Vieni <miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
I thought that Washington already voted.boss-dominated convention of 1968.
Miriam
-----Original Message-----
From: blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
[mailto:blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx] On Behalf Of Carl ;
Jarvis
Sent: Friday, May 06, 2016 11:10 AM
To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [blind-democracy] Re: A Contested Convention Is Exactly What
the Democratic Party Needs
Despite the current mess the Republican Party finds itself in, both
major parties are committed to a two party system. And in supporting
and working for this two party system, they also attempt to control
the party loyalists from their central committees.
I just received my primary ballot. In Washington, we vote by mail.
I do have the option, which I use, to go to my county courthouse and
vote by an accessible machine, which reads to me as I mark my paper
ballot. But on my ballot, according to my wife, there are only two
columns, Democrat and Republican. While I am not either, I will mark
my ballot for Bernie Sanders.
Carl Jarvis
On May 6, Miriam Vieni <miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
much more"
Nichols writes: "What Sanders is proposing is a necessary quest -
and a realistic one. Already, he is better positioned than any
recent insurgent challenger to engage in rules and platform debates,
as well as in dialogues about everything from the vice-presidential
nomination to the character of the fall campaign."
Senator Bernie Sanders. (photo: Scott Olson/Getty)
A Contested Convention Is Exactly What the Democratic Party Needs By
John Nichols, Moyers & Company
05 May 16
Bernie Sanders will go to Philadelphia with more pledged delegates
than any insurgent in modern history. Here's what he could do with them.
Joe Biden understands something about the Democratic Party and its
future that his fellow partisans would do well to consider. "I don't
think any Democrat's ever won saying, 'We can't think that big - we
ought to really downsize here because it's not realistic,'" the vice
president told The New York Times in April. "C'mon man, this is the
Democratic Party! I'm not part of the party that says, 'Well, we
can't do it.'" Mocking Hillary Clinton's criticism of Bernie Sanders
for proposing bold reforms, Biden dismissed the politics of lowered
expectations. "I like the idea of saying, 'We can do much more,'
because we can," he declared, leading the Times to observe that,
while Biden wasn't making an endorsement, "He'll take Mr. Sanders's
aspirational approach over Mrs. Clinton's caution any day."
Unwittingly or not, Biden made an even better case than Sanders has
for taking his insurgent campaign all the way to the Democratic
convention in Philadelphia. If the party is going to run in 2016 on
a "do
agenda - as opposed to triangulating around the center - the Vermontstrategic.
senator's supporters and like-minded Democrats, including Clinton's
progressive backers, will have to force the issue. Taking the
Sanders insurgency to the convention is the paramount vehicle for
placing demands that are ideological and, as Biden's comments
suggest, also
That's one reason why Sanders promised in a statement on April 26 tonomination.
go to the convention with "as many delegates as possible to fight
for a progressive party platform" - despite the fact that Clinton's
delegate advantage now all but guarantees that she will win the
What Sanders is proposing is a necessary quest - and a realistic one.
Already, he is better positioned than any recent insurgent
challenger to engage in rules and platform debates, as well as in
dialogues about everything from the vice-presidential nomination to
the character of the fall campaign. As veteran political analyst
Rhodes Cook noted in a survey prepared for The Atlantic, by
mid-April, Sanders had exceeded the overall vote totals and
percentages of Howard Dean in 2004, Jesse Jackson in 1988, Gary Hart
in 1984 and Ted Kennedy in 1980, among others. (While Barack Obama's
2008 challenge to Clinton began as something of an insurgency, he
eventually ran with the solid support of key party leaders like
Kennedy.) By the time the District of Columbia votes on June 14,
Sanders will have more pledged delegates than any challenger seeking
to influence a national convention and its nominee since the party
began to democratize its nominating process following the
disastrous,
This new reality has Clinton supporters fretting about the prospectthat can mean as much to the nation as to the party."
of a chaotic convention that could expose divisions within the party
when it should be uniting for what increasing looks like a fall
fight against Donald Trump. But a muscular appearance by Sanders and
his delegates at the convention doesn't have to lead to bitterness.
Historically, contested conventions - not carefully choreographed
coronations - have led parties and their nominees to take more
audacious positions and to excite broader electoral coalitions.
"Conventions are where we come together, but you don't really come
together if you avoid differences," says the Rev. Jesse Jackson, who
has protested, attended or spoken at nearly a dozen Democratic
national conventions (and who has not endorsed a candidate in the
primary race this year). "You start by understanding that it takes
two wings to fly. If you have two strong wings - a wing that has won
and a wing that has lost - you don't deny the differences; you
recognize them. You debate, find common ground, find ways to start
working together for immediate goals - the next election - and for
long-term goals
Recent conventions have been so tightly scripted that it's easy to
forget that both parties have long histories of contested gatherings
- sometimes with open combat over the party's standard-bearer (as
may erupt at this year's Republican convention), but often with
spirited competition over rules, platforms and the very nature of
the party itself. Contested conventions can open policy debates and
clear the way for "significant political and social progress,"
argues Fitchburg State University professor Benjamin Railton, who
has analyzed the history of conventions. With 18 state wins so far
and more than 1,350 delegates, Sanders is uniquely poised to push for
closed.Since Clinton will likely arrive at the convention with a majorityrepresentative process"
of the pledged delegates and a lead in the popular vote, she'll have
every right to argue, as she did in April, that "I am winning.
And I'm winning because of what I stand for and what I've done."
Front-runners rarely invite input from insurgent challengers, and if
Clinton chooses to wall Sanders off, she'll have the upper hand in
Philadelphia. In January, Democratic National Committee chair Debbie
Wasserman Schultz appointed a pair of Clinton allies, Connecticut
Governor Dannel Malloy and former Atlanta mayor Shirley Franklin, to
head the platform committee. And an ardent Clinton supporter and
noted Sanders antagonist, former congressman Barney Frank, will
cochair the rules committee.
But Clinton's decision to adopt what was initially Sanders's
position on a host of issues, from wages to climate change to trade
policy, shows that her campaign recognizes that a substantial
portion of the party's base - as well as its potential base - is
attracted to Sanders's more aspirational message.
And the pressure to make that recognition a part of the Democratic
platform will grow as the committees expand before the convention
and Sanders aides urge the DNC to deliver on the promise made by
spokesman Luis Miranda: that the party is "committed to an open,
inclusive and
for drawing up the platform, and that "both of our campaigns will be
represented on the drafting committee."
If Sanders advocates gain sufficient representation to provoke
debates, what are the likely pressure points? Like Jackson and his
supporters, who forced rules reforms and the diversification of the
DNC in 1988, the Sanders camp could champion a more open and
representative Democratic Party. There could be calls for reducing
or eliminating the role of superdelegates, for a better approach to
scheduling debates and for consistent primary rules to avoid
dramatic variations in turnout based on whether the primary is open or
change."Even though Sanders ran well in caucuses, his backers could gainplatform fights.
credibility by also arguing that caucuses are too incoherently
organized and difficult to participate in to be justified. On all of
these issues, Sanders supporters would have to establish alliances
with Clinton backers who recognize that it is time to "democratize
the Democratic Party."
The prospect of aligning with Clinton supporters, especially
progressive members of Congress and labor activists who will attend
the convention as superdelegates, creates even greater openings for
Prospective nominees tend to favor weaker platforms; Harry Truman
would have preferred milder civil-rights commitments than were made
in his party's
1948
platform, and it took steady pressure from unions, liberals and Ted
Kennedy to get Jimmy Carter to finally embrace spending on jobs
programs. It will take similar pressure to get Clinton and her inner
circle to accept a Democratic platform that Sanders says must
include "a $15-an-hour minimum wage, an end to our disastrous trade
policies, a Medicare-for-all health-care system, breaking up Wall
Street financial institutions, ending fracking in our country,
making public colleges and universities tuition-free, and passing a
carbon tax so we can effectively address the planetary crisis of climate
such progress.boss-dominated convention of 1968.Clinton stalwarts may want to keep things vague, but look for themuch more"
Sanders team to demand specifics, such as an explicit endorsement of
a national $15 minimum wage instead of the $12 proposal that Clinton
initially offered, and an unequivocal rejection of the Trans-Pacific
Partnership trade deal that President Obama supports and that
Clinton once championed but now criticizes.
As it happens, many of Clinton's most passionate allies have been
outspoken supporters of the fight for $15, fair-trade policies and
proposals to break up the big banks. One of them, Ohio Senator
Sherrod Brown, a potential vice-presidential pick, has argued
publicly that Clinton "should work with [Sanders] on the platform"
in order to strengthen the party's appeal. Other Clinton backers
like Connecticut Representative Rosa DeLauro (D-CT) and nonaligned
House members like Wisconsin's Mark Pocan could play a critical role
in steering the party toward unequivocal opposition to the TPP.
There could also be room for cooperation on addressing mass
incarceration, passing constitutional amendments to get big money
out of politics and guaranteeing voting rights for all.
Sanders backers want to win these platforms fights - not to make a
point about their campaign, but to make a deeper point about what
the Democratic Party must stand for in order to win the 2016
election and the future. "The convention can amplify what this
campaign made visible - that there are millions of Americans who are
hurting - and say that the Democratic Party has to respond to that
pain with bigger and bolder policies," says Working Families Party
national director Dan Cantor, a veteran of the 1988 Jackson campaign
who is now a Sanders backer. "Democrats who want to win a big
majority in November, to take back the Congress and to move forward
in the states, know that the party has to stand for something that
excites young people, that excites working people. No matter who the
nominee is, the party has to take a big-vision stand."
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not valid.
Senator Bernie Sanders. (photo: Scott Olson/Getty)
http://billmoyers.com/story/a-contested-convention-is-exactly-what-t
h
e
-democ
ratic-party-needs/http://billmoyers.com/story/a-contested-convention
-
i
s-exac
tly-what-the-democratic-party-needs/
A Contested Convention Is Exactly What the Democratic Party Needs By
John Nichols, Moyers & Company
05 May 16
Bernie Sanders will go to Philadelphia with more pledged delegates
than any insurgent in modern history. Here's what he could do with them.
oe Biden understands something about the Democratic Party and its
future that his fellow partisans would do well to consider. "I don't
think any Democrat's ever won saying, 'We can't think that big - we
ought to really downsize here because it's not realistic,'" the vice
president told The New York Times in April. "C'mon man, this is the
Democratic Party! I'm not part of the party that says, 'Well, we
can't do it.'" Mocking Hillary Clinton's criticism of Bernie Sanders
for proposing bold reforms, Biden dismissed the politics of lowered
expectations. "I like the idea of saying, 'We can do much more,'
because we can," he declared, leading the Times to observe that,
while Biden wasn't making an endorsement, "He'll take Mr. Sanders's
aspirational approach over Mrs. Clinton's caution any day."
Unwittingly or not, Biden made an even better case than Sanders has
for taking his insurgent campaign all the way to the Democratic
convention in Philadelphia. If the party is going to run in 2016 on
a "do
agenda - as opposed to triangulating around the center - the Vermontstrategic.
senator's supporters and like-minded Democrats, including Clinton's
progressive backers, will have to force the issue. Taking the
Sanders insurgency to the convention is the paramount vehicle for
placing demands that are ideological and, as Biden's comments
suggest, also
That's one reason why Sanders promised in a statement on April 26 tonomination.
go to the convention with "as many delegates as possible to fight
for a progressive party platform" - despite the fact that Clinton's
delegate advantage now all but guarantees that she will win the
What Sanders is proposing is a necessary quest - and a realistic one.
Already, he is better positioned than any recent insurgent
challenger to engage in rules and platform debates, as well as in
dialogues about everything from the vice-presidential nomination to
the character of the fall campaign. As veteran political analyst
Rhodes Cook noted in a survey prepared for The Atlantic, by
mid-April, Sanders had exceeded the overall vote totals and
percentages of Howard Dean in 2004, Jesse Jackson in 1988, Gary Hart
in 1984 and Ted Kennedy in 1980, among others. (While Barack Obama's
2008 challenge to Clinton began as something of an insurgency, he
eventually ran with the solid support of key party leaders like
Kennedy.) By the time the District of Columbia votes on June 14,
Sanders will have more pledged delegates than any challenger seeking
to influence a national convention and its nominee since the party
began to democratize its nominating process following the
disastrous,
This new reality has Clinton supporters fretting about the prospectthat can mean as much to the nation as to the party."
of a chaotic convention that could expose divisions within the party
when it should be uniting for what increasing looks like a fall
fight against Donald Trump. But a muscular appearance by Sanders and
his delegates at the convention doesn't have to lead to bitterness.
Historically, contested conventions - not carefully choreographed
coronations - have led parties and their nominees to take more
audacious positions and to excite broader electoral coalitions.
"Conventions are where we come together, but you don't really come
together if you avoid differences," says the Rev. Jesse Jackson, who
has protested, attended or spoken at nearly a dozen Democratic
national conventions (and who has not endorsed a candidate in the
primary race this year). "You start by understanding that it takes
two wings to fly. If you have two strong wings - a wing that has won
and a wing that has lost - you don't deny the differences; you
recognize them. You debate, find common ground, find ways to start
working together for immediate goals - the next election - and for
long-term goals
Recent conventions have been so tightly scripted that it's easy to
forget that both parties have long histories of contested gatherings
- sometimes with open combat over the party's standard-bearer (as
may erupt at this year's Republican convention), but often with
spirited competition over rules, platforms and the very nature of
the party itself. Contested conventions can open policy debates and
clear the way for "significant political and social progress,"
argues Fitchburg State University professor Benjamin Railton, who
has analyzed the history of conventions. With 18 state wins so far
and more than 1,350 delegates, Sanders is uniquely poised to push for
closed.Since Clinton will likely arrive at the convention with a majorityrepresentative process"
of the pledged delegates and a lead in the popular vote, she'll have
every right to argue, as she did in April, that "I am winning.
And I'm winning because of what I stand for and what I've done."
Front-runners rarely invite input from insurgent challengers, and if
Clinton chooses to wall Sanders off, she'll have the upper hand in
Philadelphia. In January, Democratic National Committee chair Debbie
Wasserman Schultz appointed a pair of Clinton allies, Connecticut
Governor Dannel Malloy and former Atlanta mayor Shirley Franklin, to
head the platform committee. And an ardent Clinton supporter and
noted Sanders antagonist, former congressman Barney Frank, will
cochair the rules committee.
But Clinton's decision to adopt what was initially Sanders's
position on a host of issues, from wages to climate change to trade
policy, shows that her campaign recognizes that a substantial
portion of the party's base - as well as its potential base - is
attracted to Sanders's more aspirational message.
And the pressure to make that recognition a part of the Democratic
platform will grow as the committees expand before the convention
and Sanders aides urge the DNC to deliver on the promise made by
spokesman Luis Miranda: that the party is "committed to an open,
inclusive and
for drawing up the platform, and that "both of our campaigns will be
represented on the drafting committee."
If Sanders advocates gain sufficient representation to provoke
debates, what are the likely pressure points? Like Jackson and his
supporters, who forced rules reforms and the diversification of the
DNC in 1988, the Sanders camp could champion a more open and
representative Democratic Party. There could be calls for reducing
or eliminating the role of superdelegates, for a better approach to
scheduling debates and for consistent primary rules to avoid
dramatic variations in turnout based on whether the primary is open or
change."Even though Sanders ran well in caucuses, his backers could gainplatform fights.
credibility by also arguing that caucuses are too incoherently
organized and difficult to participate in to be justified. On all of
these issues, Sanders supporters would have to establish alliances
with Clinton backers who recognize that it is time to "democratize
the Democratic Party."
The prospect of aligning with Clinton supporters, especially
progressive members of Congress and labor activists who will attend
the convention as superdelegates, creates even greater openings for
Prospective nominees tend to favor weaker platforms; Harry Truman
would have preferred milder civil-rights commitments than were made
in his party's
1948
platform, and it took steady pressure from unions, liberals and Ted
Kennedy to get Jimmy Carter to finally embrace spending on jobs
programs. It will take similar pressure to get Clinton and her inner
circle to accept a Democratic platform that Sanders says must
include "a $15-an-hour minimum wage, an end to our disastrous trade
policies, a Medicare-for-all health-care system, breaking up Wall
Street financial institutions, ending fracking in our country,
making public colleges and universities tuition-free, and passing a
carbon tax so we can effectively address the planetary crisis of climate
Clinton stalwarts may want to keep things vague, but look for the
Sanders team to demand specifics, such as an explicit endorsement of
a national $15 minimum wage instead of the $12 proposal that Clinton
initially offered, and an unequivocal rejection of the Trans-Pacific
Partnership trade deal that President Obama supports and that
Clinton once championed but now criticizes.
As it happens, many of Clinton's most passionate allies have been
outspoken supporters of the fight for $15, fair-trade policies and
proposals to break up the big banks. One of them, Ohio Senator
Sherrod Brown, a potential vice-presidential pick, has argued
publicly that Clinton "should work with [Sanders] on the platform"
in order to strengthen the party's appeal. Other Clinton backers
like Connecticut Representative Rosa DeLauro (D-CT) and nonaligned
House members like Wisconsin's Mark Pocan could play a critical role
in steering the party toward unequivocal opposition to the TPP.
There could also be room for cooperation on addressing mass
incarceration, passing constitutional amendments to get big money
out of politics and guaranteeing voting rights for all.
Sanders backers want to win these platforms fights - not to make a
point about their campaign, but to make a deeper point about what
the Democratic Party must stand for in order to win the 2016
election and the future. "The convention can amplify what this
campaign made visible - that there are millions of Americans who are
hurting - and say that the Democratic Party has to respond to that
pain with bigger and bolder policies," says Working Families Party
national director Dan Cantor, a veteran of the 1988 Jackson campaign
who is now a Sanders backer. "Democrats who want to win a big
majority in November, to take back the Congress and to move forward
in the states, know that the party has to stand for something that
excites young people, that excites working people. No matter who the
nominee is, the party has to take a big-vision stand."
http://e-max.it/posizionamento-siti-web/socialize
http://e-max.it/posizionamento-siti-web/socialize
