[lit-ideas] Re: Are you out there, Didier?
- From: "Lawrence Helm" <lawrencehelm@xxxxxxxxxxxx>
- To: <lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Fri, 31 Mar 2006 07:19:10 -0800
Teemu,
Iâm not sure there is a âreputable academic foundationâ for any of this.
My foundation is my own experience in the American work force as well as
anecdotal accounts from fellow workers. Over here an employee must prove him
or herself before he is âkept on.â It is understood that both he and the
company must do well for his job to have any longevity. Over here the emphasis
is on jobs provided by the entrepreneur rather than on a worker who must have
secure employment. It seems to me the French and anyone else with an
equivalent system has it backwards. The rioters want a guaranteed permanent
job right out school. That process seems to put the emphasis in the wrong
place if a nation wants a successful economy. The arguments in your article
seem to suggest that the way we do it over here in the U.S. would never work.
Weâre even worse than Villepinâs proposal. We never guarantee permanent
employment except in a few notorious instances like education and Longshoremen.
Elsewhere it is merit and competition â at least it is supposed to be.
Employers who use some other criteria usually donât hold up well against
opposition that emphasizes merit.
The Japanese had a system similar to the one they had in France. They had a
term for those who turned out to be incompetent. They couldnât get rid of
them because they had job security so they gave them an office with a window
and their jobs involved nothing so they came to work every day and stared out a
window. I believe the term, not an official term of course, was something like
âWindow Watcher.â In recent years, however, they have learned the beauties
of being able to lay people off. They learned that they couldnât compete
well enough if a portion of their work force wasnât able or willing to do the
work.
Villepinâs idea seemed good to me: give employers a chance to see if an
employee was able and willing to do the work before making his job permanent
â not very socialistic of him, I suppose, but maybe he was trying to improve
the French economy.
Lawrence
-----Original Message-----
From: lit-ideas-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx [mailto:lit-ideas-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx] On
Behalf Of Teemu Pyyluoma
Sent: Friday, March 31, 2006 3:28 AM
To: lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [lit-ideas] Re: Are you out there, Didier?
Didier is propably busy with something else, so I'll
explain Lawrence that it isn't that simple. May I as
usual offer Financial Times, one of the very few
English language papers that does a good job at
covering EU and Continental Europe, that is goes
beyond the trendy pseudo-explanations. Wolfgang
Munchau writes (pay wall free at
http://www.business-standard.com/ft/storypage.php?&autono=220190,
comments in bracket mine):
"As far as I know there exists no reputable academic
foundation for Mr de Villepinâs specific proposal â a
work contract that removes employment protection for
the young, while leaving it fully in place for the
old. There is some consensus in the labour market
literature that excessive employment protection can
lead to high unemployment among certain groups,
including the young. But this consensus does not imply
the selective removal of employment protection for a
single age group. I would suspect that most labour
market economists would be on the side of the students
in this conflict.
"French youth unemployment is among the highest in the
western world. It has oscillated between 20 and 30 per
cent since the mid-1980s and is now at the lower end
of this band, but with no signs of a futher decline.
[Others have pointed out that the number of young
people who are counted among job seekers, 20 to 30 per
cent of which are unemployed, is a tiny fraction of
the age group because most are students and as such
the figure is not that informative, overall about 8%
of young people are unemployed in France...]
"Tito Boeri of Bocconi University in Milan and Pietro
Garibaldi at the University of Turin argue* that Mr de
Villepinâs CPE accentuates the intergenerational
conflict between labour market insiders and outsiders.
They conclude that for as long as this conflict
persists, there will be no genuine labour market
reform.
"Olivier Blanchard, professor of economics at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology and probably the
best-known French macroeconomist, has recently warned
in a much-noted paper [for a good discussion and
summary of what is the latest, refreshingly humble and
propably the best paper on European unemployment see
http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2005/11/blanchard_europ.html]
that we know a good deal less about the causes of
European unemployment than we think we do. While his
comments were not specifically addressed at youth
unemployment, they should serve as a warning to
politicians such as Mr de Villepin, who believe that
they have grasped the full extent of the problem.
"Blanchardâs own solution to reduce youth unemployment
in France, as he argued on another occasion, is for a
universal contract with phased protection according to
time spent in a company â the longer you work for a
company, the higher your level of protection. This
proposal would be less discriminatory than the CPE,
and would address the obdurate two-tier problem, under
which one set of labour market rules applies to one
group of workers, while another set applies to another
group.
"The two-tier labour market in France is the result of
a panoply of employment contracts â a standard
contract that offers an absurdly high level of
employment protection and various other types that
offer little to none. Mr de Villepinâs CPE is the
latest addition to the range. It has no time limit,
offers no protection at all during the first two
years, and full protection thereafter.
"The trouble occurs at the crossover point â for
example, when people try to move from a fixed-term
contract to a permanent one. Employers have no
incentives to offer their employees a permanent
contractual employment guarantee. This is why many
present fixed-term contracts end in unemployment,
rather than permanent work.
"The same problem also applies to Mr de Villepinâs
CPE. Whereas previously employers failed to turn
fixed-term contracts into permanent ones, they will in
future simply dismiss young employees at the end of
the two-year trial period. Instead of inventing yet
another type of employment contract, Mr de Villepin
should have reformed the employment protection for
existing labour agreements. That would have had some
effect on employersâ incentives to take on young
people after a trial period. Under Mr de Villepinâs
CPE, young people start their careers in a US-style
hire-and-fire labour environment for two years, after
which they will either enjoy protection for life, or
become unemployed. This is absurd.
"Any serious reformer of the French labour market
would also at least have to address other factors that
might contribute to high structural unemployment, such
as the 35-hour week and the minimum wage, also known
in France as SMIC, which is presently set at â8.03 per
hour. According to the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development, 13 per cent of French
workers were paid the minimum wage. It represents
about 60 per cent of the median production workerâs
wage. These data suggest that the SMIC may have been
set too high.
"As a serious instrument of economic reform, Mr de
Villepinâs CPE is too one-sided. Its net economic
effect may well be negative, if you take into account
the loss of economic output from tomorrowâs strike,
and other disruptions caused by the recent mass
demonstrations. This is bad economics and bad
politics. Mr de Villepin is not a tragic hero who is
sacrificing his political career for the greater good.
He is simply a politician who bungled one of the
biggest reforms in modern French politics."
That is a very long way to say that supposedly leftist
NY Times for example hasn't got a clue.
Cheers,
Teemu
Helsinki, Finland
--- Lawrence Helm <lawrencehelm@xxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
> I wonder if Didier Agid is lurking. If so, perhaps
> he would come out of
> lurkhood long enough to comment upon politics by
> street riot. Villepin's
> proposal that companies have the right to fire
> employees under 26 with less
> than two years experience seems a very small step,
> but in the right
> direction. And then the students take to the street
> to protest this
> proposed loss of this entitlement. That's rather a
> bad thing for them to be
> doing, don't you think, Didier?
>
>
>
> And does it seem that Villepin is being so
> reasonable because Sarkozy is in
> the wings ready to be even more reasonable?
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Lawrence
>
>
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