[nasional_list] [ppiindia] Military Businesses and the Reform Process

  • From: "Ambon" <sea@xxxxxxxxxx>
  • To: <"Undisclosed-Recipient:;"@freelists.org>
  • Date: Sat, 8 Jul 2006 09:50:32 +0200

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Military Businesses and the Reform Process
06:47 AM | 
Friday
23
June
2006
No defense ministry and defense force in all of South East Asia has been 
subjected to more international scrutiny about its role in the life of the 
country than the Indonesian Defence Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia). Since 
President Soeharto, a retired general, stepped down in May, 1998, the TNI 
reform process has been periodically in the forefront of news coverage by 
national and international media, none more so than the of the "military 
businesses" owned, operated by or linked to any one of the tri-services, Army, 
Navy and Air Force.

Most domestic and foreign analysts, particularly NGOs, incessantly find fault 
with almost anything and everything the TNI (especially the army) did, is doing 
and will do in the future. The anti-military tone is partly in the nature of 
most NGOs anywhere, and is deeply rooted in the liberal western lexicon of 
"civilian supremacy" or "civilian control" and the predictable language of 
"transparency and accountability. Much of the reporting of the TNI__most 
recently revealed in the June 2006 Human Rights Watch Report entitled "Too High 
a Price: The Human rights Costs of the Indonesian Military's Economic 
Activities" is coloured in the HRW report, the phraseology of which draws upon 
events that took place in Indonesia before May 1998.

As expected, HRW's report starts with the predictable "front-loading" of its 
title report, as if all of Indonesia's military businesses were always 
systematically linked to human rights abuses. Words such as "mafia-like 
behaviour" are laced through the report's pages with nary a single reference to 
the realities that in most instances throughout Indonesia's earlier history in 
the mid-1950s down through mid 2006, many of the cooperatives and foundations 
(not all of them outright businesses such as the title of the report ominously 
insinuates) helped support TNI tactical units in providing in-kind support to 
low-income soldiers, help provide education to poor families and, in many 
instances outside of Java, provide soldiers as teachers of Bahasa Indonesia and 
arithmetic, the building of irrigation and water supply, bridges and schools.

From the outset the Indonesian Defense Force has never had a decent budget to 
provide a security and defence service as part of the provision of a public 
good to enable an environment wherein development, stability and civil 
liberties can flourish. Since the mid-1950s, no Indonesian government has been 
able to provide the police and the defence force with an adequate budget to 
provide that public service.

The HRW June 2006 report is understandably unsympathetic to such realities, 
given that its framework and paradigm rests on the assumption of standards of 
"professionalism and transparency" taken for granted in developed countries. 
HRW Asia was also mindful that in the wake of the TNI's exemplary role in the 
rescue and rehabilitation efforts of the post Tsunami in Aceh in 2004-2005 and 
the recent earthquake in Central Java, the TNI's image at home and abroad had 
soared. The lifting of the US restriction of spare parts to the TNI also took 
the wind of the anti-Indonesian lobby in the US and Western Europe.

All in all, the content and tenor of the HRW 2006 report is both predictable 
and disappointing. When I served in London as ambassador, I had many meetings 
with NGOs and human rights activists (including HRW Asia) about the TNI, its 
role in the reform of political life in Indonesia. Including the divestment of 
the TNI's businesses. The language and lexicon of most of the groups I met came 
right through a time warp of 1990-1998. They simply could not and would not 
accept the notion that the TNI was the pioneer of political reform, and none 
more so when under Lieut.General S.B. Yudhoyono during his tenure as TNI chief 
of territorial affairs in 1997-1998. Human rights groups also would not 
acknowledge the UN Human Rights Summit formulation in June 1993 that human 
rights constituted "civil, political, economic, social cultural rights in an 
integrated, inseparable and balanced manner". 

But then HRW thrives on focusing civil and political rights infringements 
because their bread and butter heavily relies on emphasising those 
infringements that are much more appealing, dramatic and headline grabbing. 
Besides, who would want to read about the TNI's successes in separating 
sectarian groups from killing one another in Sulawesi or Ambon. What 
Congressman in the US or parliamentarian in Europe would care about a TNI 
soldiers toils in helping villagers build irrigation, shelters and wooden 
bridges in the boondocks of Borneo. No editor in the newsrooms of satellite TV 
or print media in the liberal press would dream of providing a favourable 
paragraph or two about the TNI. The TNI will remain whipping boy for many NGOs 
and western media for a long time to come.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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