From The Soul of Battle by Victor Davis Hanson, p 123 ff ". . . a triumphant parade marched through Washington D.C. By all contemporary accounts the army of William Tecumseh Sherman both delighted - and awed - the Washington crowd. Sherman himself, who rode with his men like a Roman imperator, was proud of that dual nature of his soldiers, an army of deadly democratic avengers that had burnt its way through Georgia in wonderful order, ruining for the cause of freedom the rich countryside in its path. The narrative of his memoirs closes with a description of that last ceremonial march of his men: 'It was in my judgment, the most magnificent army in existence - sixty-five thousand men, in splendid physique, who had just completed a march of nearly two thousand miles in a hostile country. . . . The steadiness and firmness of the tread, the careful dress on the guides, the uniform intervals between the companies, all eyes directly to the front, and the tattered and bullet-riven flags, festooned with flowers, all attracted universal notice. Many good people, up to that time, had looked upon our Western army as a sort of mob; but the world then saw, and recognized the fact, that it was an army in the proper sense, well organized, well commanded and disciplined; and there was no wonder that it had swept through the South like a tornado. For six hours and a half the strong tread of the Army of the West resounded along Pennsylvania Avenue; not a soul of that vast crowd of spectators left his place, and, when the rear of the column had passed by, thousands of spectators still lingered to express their sense of confidence in the strength of a Government which could claim such an army.' . . . "Sherman's was an army that was wilder and more rugged than other Northern corps, and yet still far better equipped, disciplined organized - and more lethal - than the battle-hardened veterans of the South it opposed in 1864. . . . Sherman's Westerners, who had routed or bypassed all veteran Southern forces. . . made the well drilled and veteran Army of the Potomac look in comparison somewhat soft . . . Other observers that May afternoon at once perceived the Westerners' army's incongruous ferocity and recklessness beneath its veneer of seeming order and precision. On the following day, May 24, the New York Times described Sherman's army as 'tall, erect, broad shouldered men, the peasantry of the west, the best material on earth for armies. . . .' "Most contemporaries naturally compared Grant's and Sherman's men, noting that it was much harder to distinguish officers from enlisted men in the Army of the West. Sherman's troops walked even talked, differently from the other corps; they somehow seemed 'more intelligent, self-reliant, and determined.' Marching through an enemy country and destroying its economic infrastructure and social strata - while losing less than 1 percent of an army - can instill confidence in soldiers in a way that camp life, entrenchment, and even ferocious set battles cannot.. "Sherman's enlisted men themselves were aware that the Union's other great army had settled in Virginia and ended there, while they had started in Tennessee, marched through Georgia and the Carolinas, and finished their circle ten months later right beside the sluggish Army of the Potomac. A soldier from the 7th Iowa wrote . . . of Sherman's men and the Army of the Potomac, 'The difference in the two armies is this: They have remained in camp and lived well; we have marched, fought and gone hungry and ended the war.' A Minnesota recruit scoffed of the Easterners, 'The more I see of this Army [Potomac] the more I am disgusted with operations for the last years. If there had been an army worth anything here, Richmond would have fallen three years ago.' "Sherman's veterans failed to appreciate that their corps, except for normal furloughs, were one and the same army that had left Atlanta a half a year earlier. In that sense, their esprit de corps was more akin to Epaminondas's hoplites than to Grant's army, which, in contrast, was in reality a continually metamorphosing body. In its revolving-door manner of mustering, thousands of its crack troops were to be killed in a series of harrowing assaults in the Wilderness (May 5-12, 1864), Cold Harbor (June 3, 1864), and outside Petersburg (June-October 1864), always to be replaced by a continual stream of raw and often anonymous human fodder. . . . in contract, the Westerners under Sherman believed that their particular men alone would both win and survive the war. ". . . by late summer 1864, those with Sherman felt that in the year to come they would live, while a great many with grant knew they would probably die. Not one soldier in Sherman's army pinned paper with his name to his back - the nineteenth century equivalent of dogs tags - as he marched toward battle. The Ohioan C. B. Welton wrote home of his general that Sherman 'was a great military genius who depends upon his brains to win his victories instead of the lives of his men.' . . . ." "The outward appearance of invincibility of the Westerners was due in large part to the fact that they had fought and marched together for over a year and had survived the ordeal. When General Peter Osterhaus's 15th Corps marched past the Washington reviewing stand - they had occupied the southern wing during Sherman's March to the Sea - the German ambassador remarked, 'An army like that could whip all Europe.' Of the 20th Corps - half of Sherman's renamed Army of Georgia - that followed, he added, 'An army like that could whip the world.' And finally when its sister corps, the 14th under the fiery General Jefferson C. Davis, passed, he concluded, 'An army like that could whip the devil.'" Comment: In evaluating Sherman's reputation one must take into account that Sherman was until the end usually under orders. He was the North's best general but it wasn't properly realized and Sherman wasn't a politician or one to put himself forward. He was simply the best. When Grant created a plan, Sherman might voice his objection, and Grant would listen to him. Grant had great respect for Sherman, but he had great confidence in himself as well. As often as not Grant ordered Sherman to follow orders. Sherman would then do his best in an effort he told Grant in advance could not succeed. The superficial hold that against Sherman. The military historian B. H. Liddell Hart was perhaps the first to sift through the records and obtain a true view of when Sherman was operating on his own and when he was operating under orders. Lawrence