The Treaty of Versailles demilitarized the Rhineland. The French would thereby have a buffer if Germany once again became aggressive. The remilitarization of the Rhineland was absolutely necessary to Hitler's aggressive plans. He moved troops back into the Rhineland in March of 1936, a very weak force, only 22,000 men and 14,000 local police. France had a much larger force at the ready, but lacked the will to use it. So to, the British, even though they often said that their front line was the Rhine and not the North Atlantic. Hitler perpetrated a colossal bluff and it worked. Kagan writes that the common people in Britain and France didn't know what was at stake. "Their leaders had given them no help in understanding these things over the years nor did they in 1936." Hitler knew he was taking a huge gamble. He later said, "a retreat on our part would have spelled collapse. . . . The forty-eight hours after the march into the Rhineland were the most nerve-wracking in my life. If the French had then marched into the Rhineland we would have had to withdraw with our tails between our legs, for the military resources at our disposal would have been wholly inadequate for even a moderate resistance." On page 361 (op. cit.) Kagan writes, "The consequences of the remilitarization of the Rhineland were enormous. Hitler emerged much strengthened internally, and Germany's power and influence were greatly increased. His evident success raised the dictator's popularity with the German people to new heights. The American ambassador to London wrote that 'an overwhelming majority of Germans would support any venture which Hitler might undertake.' . . . As he sped home from a triumphant tour of the Rhineland, Hitler 'turned to his cronies in the special train and once again express his relief at the limpness of the Western powers: 'Am I glad! Good Lord, am I glad it's gone so smoothly. Sure enough the world belongs to the brave man. He's the one God helps.' The inaction of the French and British emboldened him to proceed with his aggressive plans. He was now convinced that France would not attack without British support and that Britain would not fight to prevent Germany from taking Austria or Czechoslovakia." ". . . France's inaction, moreover encouraged Belgium to break off its alliance, made in the 1920s with France, and to move to neutrality, which left a critical gap at the end of the Maginot Line . . . It helped persuade Mussolini to conclude the 'Rome-Berlin Axis' in October 1936, an agreement between the dictators that further complicated France's strategic problems. It also entailed withdrawal of Italian protection from Austria, a prerequisite for Hitler's annexation of Austria. After March 1936, 'there could be no doubt, with the disappearance of the demilitarized Rhineland, Europe had lost her last guarantee against German aggression.'" The root problem according to Kagan wasn't that France and Britain failed to act, it was the long years of reliving the "terrible memories of the last war and the frightening horrors . . . projected for the next, disguised and made respectable by revisionist interpretations of the causes of the last war and the unfairness of the treaties that concluded it, led to a refusal to face unpleasant realities and to think strategically, to maintain a system of defense and the will to use it would be adequate to deter aggression and preserve the peace. "For all the truth in such a line of thought, however, it is still correct to think of March 1936 as a lost opportunity, a last missed chance to stop Hitler before he became a deadly menace. The great misfortune of the Western powers was that they lacked leaders at this moment of crisis wise enough to understand the situation and strong enough to move against the current. Even had the French chosen to use their 'sledgehammer' after a slow and full mobilization, there can be no question of their ability to drive the German troops out of the Rhineland. But no one in their weak interim government had the will, the persuasive ability, or the power to order such an action. British encouragement or even support could have had a powerful effect, but the members of the Baldwin government . . . were not willing to take the step. . . there is no 'way of knowing what might have been the effect if public opinion had been given a strong lead by the government, both during and after the crisis.' But Baldwin and his colleagues were men of their time and place, averting their eyes from unpleasant realities, paralyzed into inaction and hoping for the best." Comment: This is a tough one to apply to modern times. How could you guard against doing something like that again? Where do you start? I could say, never allow yourself to be depressed or give in to defeatism, never give in to pacifistic tendencies, and never disarm, but would that be enough? We have to add, never choose the wrong leaders. How do you avoid at least some of those things. If you're depressed, you can't just stop being depressed - necessarily, and I'm speaking of a climate of depression that was prevalent in a nation. The climate of opinion was negative and defeatist in 1936. The will of not only the Baldwin government but the people at large in both France and Britain was not up to dealing with Hitler, and so they didn't. Lawrence Helm San Jacinto