At the Johns Hopkins website under "faculty" is a page for Francis Fukuyama that lists his recent books, but it also lists a "video of Francis Fukuyama's speech to the Foreign Policy Association, 'What Do We Know About Democracy Promotion?" Hunter College, May 24 2005." http://www.sais-jhu.edu/faculty/fukuyama/ This is an excellent video, showing Fukuyama at his best and covering many of the issues we have been discussing. In regard to The End of History and the Last Man, I continue to fail to find any support for Andreas allegation that Fukuyama opposed Liberal Democracy or that he favored a war every generation or so. The Video shows that Fukuyama does support Liberal Democracy, but he does see more problems in achieving Liberal Democracies than most of us are comfortable with considering. I found one passage in The End of History and the Last Man that might enable Andreas to assume that Fukuyama was advocating frequent wars. It occurs on page 329: "Hegel - as opposed here to his interpreter, Kojeve - understood that the need to feel pride in one's humanness would not necessarily be satisfied by the 'peace and prosperity' of the end of history. Men would face the constant danger of degenerating from citizens to mere bourgeois, and feeling contempt for themselves in the process. The ultimate crucible of citizenship therefore was and would remain the willingness to die for one's country: the state would have to require military service and continue to fight wars. "This aspect of Hegel's thought has led to the charge that he was a militarist. But he never glorified war for its own sake, or saw it as the chief end of man; war was important for its secondary effects on character and community. Hegel believed that without the possibility of war and the sacrifices demanded by it, men would grow soft and self-absorbed; society would degenerate into a morass of selfish hedonism and community would ultimately dissolve. Fear of man's 'lord and master, Death' was a force like no other, capable of drawing men outside of themselves and reminding them that they were not isolated atoms, but members of communities built around shared ideals. A liberal democracy that could fight a short and decisive war every generation or so to defend its own liberty and independence would be far healthier and more satisfied than one that experienced nothing but continuous peace." This is Hegel's view and the reason Fukuyama refers to it is that it is one of the main objections to Liberal Democracy that he is considering in section V. Will Liberal Democracy continue to provide what he refers to as megalothymia? The Last-Man milieu is one in which all men are equal, but will all men be satisfied with that? The answer is no. Men will want to be unique, be different, be best at something. People have self-esteem (thymia) that in its extreme expression results in megalothymia. Hegel argued that this was exemplified in the great generals or military leaders who won great battles. Fukuyama sees this megalothymia being expressed in Liberal Democracies by entrepreneurs. Think of Donald Trump and Bill Gates. Think of the Japanese entrepreneur's that sublimated the Samurai Bushido code into the impetus for their business successes. Hegel thought wars would be needed for perfect health, but his interpreter, the one upon whom Fukuyama relies, Kojeve, did not. In a footnote 1 in Chapter 31, Fukuyama writes "Hegel in the Philosophy of Right states very clearly that there will still be wars at the end of history. On the other hand, Kojeve suggests that the end of history will mean the end of all large disputes, and hence the elimination of the need for struggle. . . ." Fukuyama complains that Kojeve didn't provide his reasons for this opinion, and in attempting to provide for their absence he has written Section V, but Fukuyama isn't able to achieve the certainty that he sees in Kojeve. Lawrence