[keiths-list] Comcast asks the FCC to prohibit states from enforcing net neutrality | Ars Technica

  • From: Darryl McMahon <darryl@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
  • To: keiths-list@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
  • Date: Thu, 9 Nov 2017 16:05:44 -0500

https://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/2017/11/comcast-asks-the-fcc-to-prohibit-states-from-enforcing-net-neutrality/

[It matters. If we want a working democracy which respects the rights of the individual, we need to be well informed. Net neutrality is part of that as we increasingly get our information from the Internet rather than traditional print and broadcast media. Given the U.S. has more 'news' media concentration of ownership than most other jurisdictions, and increasingly U.S. interests are buying 'news' channels in other countries, what happens in the U.S. has a way of leaking into the rest of the world.

links in on-line article]

Comcast asks the FCC to prohibit states from enforcing net neutrality

Pressure builds on FCC Chair Ajit Pai to preempt state net neutrality laws.

Jon Brodkin - 11/3/2017, 2:13 PM

Comcast met with Federal Communications Commission Chairman Ajit Pai's staff this week in an attempt to prevent states from issuing net neutrality rules.

As the FCC prepares to gut its net neutrality rules, broadband providers are worried that states might enact their own laws to prevent ISPs from blocking, throttling, or discriminating against online content.

Comcast Senior VP Frank Buono and a Comcast attorney met with Pai Chief of Staff Matthew Berry and Senior Counsel Nicholas Degani on Monday, the company said in an ex parte filing that describes the meeting.

Comcast urged Pai's staff to reverse the FCC's classification of broadband as a Title II common carrier service, a move that would eliminate the legal authority the FCC uses to enforce net neutrality rules. Pai has said he intends to do just that, so Comcast will likely get its wish on that point.

But Comcast also wants the FCC to go further by making a declaration that states cannot impose their own regulations on broadband. The filing said:

We also emphasized that the Commission's order in this proceeding should include a clear, affirmative ruling that expressly confirms the primacy of federal law with respect to BIAS [Broadband Internet Access Service] as an interstate information service, and that preempts state and local efforts to regulate BIAS either directly or indirectly.

Despite calling for the FCC to abandon the legal authority it uses to enforce net neutrality rules, Comcast said it supports "a free and open Internet" and "legally enforceable net neutrality protections." Comcast told Pai's staff that the FCC could adopt net neutrality rules using its other authority—but the FCC tried that in 2010, and this previous attempt at enforcing net neutrality rules was struck down in court.

Alternatively, Comcast said the FCC could decide not to impose its own rules and simply rely on the Federal Trade Commission "to ensure that ISPs' public commitments to core open Internet protections are honored." Such a move would essentially set up a "voluntary" net neutrality system in which ISPs would face no rules and would choose whether to make net neutrality commitments.
Verizon, Republicans also call for preemption

Comcast isn't the first to make a preemption argument in the net neutrality proceeding. Verizon asked the Federal Communications Commission to preempt any state laws that regulate network neutrality and broadband privacy, as we wrote earlier this week.

Current and former Republican FCC commissioners are also urging Pai to preempt states. Current FCC Commissioner Michael O'Rielly recently said he's open to using the FCC's preemption authority and that he wants states to be "barred from enacting their own privacy burdens on what is by all means an interstate information service," i.e. broadband access.

Former Republican FCC Commissioner Robert McDowell made a similar call when he appeared in front of a Congressional committee this week.

"The FCC should use its ample statutory authority to preempt states and localities to promote flexible and clear national rules that protect consumers and markets alike," he argued.

McDowell said there is a "disturbing trend" in which "states and localities have tried to regulate many aspects of the broadband market, potentially creating a confusing and innovation-killing patchwork of local laws governing both the economics of the Internet and consumer privacy."

Whether the FCC can actually preempt state-level net neutrality laws is in dispute. The FCC voted in 2015 to preempt state laws that restrict the expansion of municipal broadband, but the state laws were re-instated after a federal appeals court ruled that the FCC overstepped its legal authority.

While the FCC has some preemption powers, "that does not mean that the FCC has the authority to preempt everything relating to broadband at all," Senior Counsel John Bergmayer of consumer advocacy group Public Knowledge told Ars today. "It is fairly clear, for instance, that the FCC cannot preempt state efforts around consumer protection, even when the product in question is broadband."

Another complication is that Pai is proposing to strip away the FCC's regulatory authority over broadband providers by removing the Title II classification.

"If the FCC has no power to regulate, it has no power to preempt," Bergmayer said. "Title II is all about legal authority. Trying to disclaim authority to regulate while simultaneously preempting seems somewhat paradoxical."

Even if Pai wants to preempt states, he might have to open a new proceeding in order to do so, which would delay any such move by at least several months. The FCC has to ask the public for comment on proposed changes, but Pai's net neutrality proposal did not ask for input on preempting state net neutrality laws.

We contacted Pai's office and will update this story if we get a response. Pai's final proposal for rolling back net neutrality rules could be announced later this month and voted on at the FCC's December 14 meeting.

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http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/42492-st-louis-rises-up-against-police-violence-again-corporate-media-ignore-uprising

[links in on-line article]

St. Louis Rises Up Against Police Violence Again; Corporate Media Ignore Uprising

Sunday, November 05, 2017 By Shahid Buttar, Truthout | News Analysis

A grassroots uprising responding to police violence in Ferguson, Missouri, gripped the world's attention in 2014. In September 2017, a former St. Louis police officer was acquitted of the 2011 murder of Black driver Anthony Lamar Smith. In response, local residents have staged continuing protests now stretching into their second straight month.

Escalating police responses to the 2017 uprising have driven support for proposed local reforms introduced this summer, even as a continuing cable news blackout limiting the struggle's visibility may suggest that the power of social media is waning in an age of algorithmic content curation.
How the Latest Uprising Started

The current uprising is the latest chapter in a long-simmering debate over police violence in St. Louis.

Jason Stockley, a former St. Louis police officer, was the defendant in a murder trial this August for shooting and killing Anthony Lamar Smith in 2011. Stockley initially evaded prosecution, as do most police who kill in the line of duty. Yet four years after state and federal prosecutors declined to pursue charges, a local prosecutor stepped into the void to seek justice.

Stockley's prosecution included remarkable allegations, supported by forensic evidence, video evidence and audio evidence. The court examined an audio recording of Stockley voicing his intention to kill Smith (saying during the chase preceding the shooting that "I'm going to kill this mother****r … "), and dash cam footage showing that it took Stockley only 15 seconds to shoot Smith after leaving his police vehicle. The court also heard testimony from an FBI forensics specialist who noted that Stockley fired at least one shot from only six inches away, more reflective of an execution than Stockley's claim to self-defense.

The evidence against Stockley was so strong that support for his conviction came from unlikely corners, including a local police union. Noting that Stockley committed multiple violations of department protocol, Sergeant Heather Taylor explained that, based on the facts, Stockley clearly "wasn't defending himself in the line of duty."

Nonetheless, Stockley was acquitted on September 15 after a bench trial, confirming the observation of activists across St. Louis -- and the country --that there is "no justice" to be found in courts when police kill civilians.
An Escalating Police Response to Protests

Public reaction to the acquittal was both swift and consistent. Mass protests quickly spread across the city, prompting escalating police responses, including what one state official described as "a police riot."

St. Louis has endured scathing criticism -- from federal authorities including the Department of Justice, and also in federal court, where the city continues to face multiple lawsuits -- for its police department's violations of constitutionally protected rights to speech and assembly during the 2014 uprising. Informed by that history, officials anticipated mass protests as early as August, even calling in the state National Guard before Stockley was acquitted on September 15.

Activists seeking police accountability have mounted an ongoing campaign featuring a range of actions. Rather than focus their dissent in impoverished areas where longstanding police abuses have generated a widespread awareness about the need for overdue reforms, local organizers have extended a visible presence into suburban shopping malls and university enclaves. The escalating police responses -- which have included the indiscriminate deployment of chemical weapons in generally peaceful areas -- have in turn alienated residents, local leaders and even business owners from areas historically unaffected by police violence.

At a protest that shut down the Galleria shopping mall in suburban Brentwood, police forcefully arrested not only participants, but also bystanders as young as 13 years old. A local newspaper published images of a police officer placing a chokehold on an African-American grandmother later revealed to be a faith leader, which prompted another faith leader in the city to accuse police of "domestic terrorism."

Rather than reflect an isolated occurrence, police violence responding to protests (protests that were, of course, sparked in response to police violence) constitute an apparent pattern and practice. On Sunday, September 24, police responding to protests downtown not only arrested more than 120 people en masse, but also meted out seemingly random violence. Police assaulted -- and viciously injured -- not only dozens of civilians protesting police violence, but also an undercover police officer among them, as well as journalists. Victims of the assault included an active duty Air Force officer who was not participating in the protests but merely lived nearby and was reportedly "kicked in the face, blinded by pepper spray and dragged away."

Reacting to mounting public alarm, the office of Mayor Lyda Krewson stated, "The allegations are disturbing." City prosecutor Kim Gardner proposed to local policymakers that her office be given independent authority to investigate and prosecute police misconduct. As Gardner argued, "Both the community and police deserve an objective, fair and transparent investigation, and it is no longer acceptable for police to be essentially investigating themselves."

Meanwhile, local resistance to police violence has continued unabated. A week after police ran amok in the Galleria, participants in the earlier protest returned to the shopping mall for a subsequent demonstration that -- without police instigating violence -- remained peaceful.

Residents resisting police violence have also escalated their tactics to impose economic costs on a community seemingly unwilling to consider justice for its own sake. Beyond declaring dissent, St. Louis organizers -- whose recurring chants include "no justice, no profits" -- have pursued several activities to impede commerce.

For instance, of the more than 300 activists who have been arrested across St. Louis since early September, 143 were detained on a single night when they peacefully seized an interstate highway, blocking traffic downtown until they left and were arrested. Other actions have included a march through a hotel and protests at Major League Baseball games that included unfurling a banner reading, "Stop Killing Us," and chants such as "no justice, no baseball."

Beyond these discrete protests, organizers have also called for an economic boycott of the city, which offers profound possibility given the proven responsiveness of institutions -- from agricultural producers and footwear manufacturers to companies engaged in logging -- to economic boycotts. The band U2 inadvertently honored the economic boycott by cancelling a concert citing security concerns.
Surveillance Reforms on the Horizon

Months before the latest uprising in St. Louis, the Board of Alders (a local equivalent of a city council) introduced a measure to enable community control over surveillance by local police. The bill is supported by Privacy Watch St. Louis, a local member of the Electronic Frontier Alliance. It is modeled on reforms that have drawn support from policymakers elsewhere in the country, beginning in Silicon Valley in 2016, and most recently in Somerville, Massachusetts, in early October.

These measures aim to essentially end the era of police departments secretly, unilaterally and unaccountably buying surveillance platforms. They require law enforcement agencies to document the security rationale driving any proposed equipment purchase, as well as its implications for privacy. The reforms also require an opportunity for public notice and comment on those documents. After public comment, these policies empower lawmakers -- not police -- to decide whether any proposed purchase will proceed.

On the one hand, the recent uprising may seem to have obscured proposed surveillance reforms. Since police violence has occupied the public attention, surveillance has not risen to the fore of the St. Louis Board of Alders' agenda. On the other hand, the uprising has brought the need to restrain police generally into increasingly sharp focus.

While surveillance presents constitutional harms that threaten the rights of all Americans, it has been historically politicized in the US, with particular communities enduring its worst examples. For instance, law professor Andrew Guthrie Ferguson writes that contemporary "[a]ctivists involved in the Movement for Black Lives … have been monitored" by law enforcement and intelligence agencies, and observers have documented the abuse of various tools, including cell-site simulators that spy on voice and data transmissions from cellular devices, to do so. Similarly, the FBI recently designated "black identity extremists" as particular threats to public safety, recalling the COINTELPRO era during which it discriminatorily criminalized dissent -- flouting constitutional protections -- for over 40 years.

The historical connection between surveillance and government attempts to (in the FBI's words) "disrupt … or otherwise neutralize" the movement for civil rights has not been lost on activists in St. Louis. Due to their efforts, the backlash to police violence may have prompted interest among local policymakers in revisiting police reforms even beyond those they previously endorsed.

With communities elsewhere having recently established new high watermarks for local safeguards protecting civil rights and civil liberties, they will have any number of models to consider. Some address digital rights in the context of allowing youth restrained by gang injunctions to enjoy due process rights to contest their inclusion in police databases. Others directly address surveillance, in the form of limits on intelligence collection of the sort adopted in Berkeley, California, as early as 2011.
Social Media and Resistance to Police Violence

While activists in St. Louis continue their work to restrain police in their communities, many Americans have not noticed that the uprising that began in Ferguson continues. How can that be true in the age of social media?

One of the original value propositions presented by social media platforms was the opportunity to correct biases apparent in traditional media outlets. Two particular historical examples seemed to establish the ability of social media to focus public attention.

In 2011, Silicon Valley triumphantly claimed that its tools advanced democracy by helping social movements across the Middle East destabilize a series of dictatorships (most -- but not all -- of which relapsed to authoritarian rule after brief flirtations with democracy). More recently, a continuing stream of police murders captured no video and shared on social media has forced national attention to systemic racism despite its long and conspicuous omission from the mainstream policy discourse.

There's no doubt that social media has grown inestimably powerful. Drawing over $1 billion in advertising during the 2016 elections, Facebook alone has demonstrated the power to swing elections. The platform can skew what people read, shifting their impressions of reality, and mask foreign influence to such an extent that it can effectively override domestic preferences and elections.

Beyond the crisis in policing and civil rights in St. Louis and its implications for local policy, the 2017 uprising may also have demonstrated the limits of social media. Despite a raging controversy extending for weeks across a major US city, cable news outlets -- including those dedicated to 24-hour news, several which established a ubiquitous presence during the 2014 uprising -- have not covered either the 2017 uprising or the continuing abuses that have inspired it.

Meanwhile, even Americans who do use social media may be insulated from events in St. Louis. That may be because filter bubbles and algorithmic content curation -- implemented by both Facebook and Twitter in the years since the Arab Spring -- limit the visibility of posts about them. Alternatively, it may result from social media becoming an object of discourse in itself, with the president's tweets driving journalism that might otherwise be dedicated to covering actual news.

Regardless, activists in St. Louis remain undaunted. According to John Chasnoff, co-chair of the Coalition Against Police Crimes and Repression and a member of Privacy Watch STL, "Local business leaders know the economic disruption that the current uprising is creating. Local politicians know that their ability to govern is being challenged. Sure, national attention would provide another pressure point, but we're going to reshape this city and region one way or another."

=======================================================================

From Dogwood Initiative this week.

Last week our video of Kinder Morgan's illegal anti-spawning mats in B.C. rivers went viral. Within two days, the B.C. government publicly urged the feds to crack down on the company's violations and sent enforcement staff to survey the rivers.

The media isn't covering this. And our government didn’t take action until Dogwood supporters like you pushed them on it. Clearly it’s up to you and me to keep this American company in check.

We are not going to let Kinder Morgan get away with illegal construction.

On top of their salmon tampering, we’ve just learned Kinder Morgan has ordered more than 300,000 tonnes of steel pipe -- in violation of another National Energy Board order. They plan to stockpile pipeline in cities across B.C. for a project that doesn’t even have all of its permits yet.

Kinder Morgan keeps breaking the rules, but you can catch them in the act

Dogwood Initiative video on Kinder Morgan illegal activity.

https://www.facebook.com/dogwoodbc/videos/10155766228978416/?mkt_tok=eyJpIjoiTmpneVpHVXhOV05tT0ROayIsInQiOiJhc2hZXC9XRjRLTGErSGlQT3pmdWh3XC9MNjBNTkx2dGtmeCtlQmN5cEF4M2xFNStiOTVyNHBZaHQ3VDRVTWZyajVsWXR5emdOQTRCZFdKNlkrSmhVbmlLbnhCMlhzdEVqa20ra1l5Tis3ajI5YnRraVZuYzJzNTY0VkZIY0Q5bGxzIn0%3D

Kinder Morgan blog rationalizing their illegal activity.

https://www.transmountain.com/news/2017/innovative-use-of-snow-fencing-protecting-spawning-salmon-and-trout

But public pressure is making a difference, and thereby creating the media coverage.

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http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/trans-mountain-pipeline-neb-warning-fish-spawning-mats-1.4308637


NEB warns Trans Mountain pipeline builder to stop installing anti-spawning mats

Trans Mountain says spawning deterrents are a 'preventative measure' to minimize impacts of construction

The Canadian Press Posted: Sep 26, 2017 5:34 PM MT Last Updated: Sep 26, 2017 5:34 PM MT

The National Energy Board is issuing a stern warning to the company building the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion for installing mats in streams to discourage fish from spawning where the pipeline is to be built.

In a letter on its website, the regulator orders the company building the line from Edmonton to Burnaby, B.C., to stop installing the mats until it has obtained all approvals from the board to allow the start of construction in those areas.

In a blog dated Sept. 12 on the project website, Trans Mountain describes the "innovative use of snow fencing" in streams to protect spawning salmon and trout.

It says its biologists had temporarily laid plastic fencing on the bottom of some sections of five streams through mid-August 2017 in preparation for pipeline construction there in early 2018, adding it had identified a total of 26 streams in British Columbia and Alberta where the mats would be used prior to spawning season.

In an email, Trans Mountain spokesman Ali Hounsell says the spawning deterrents were considered a "preventive measure" to minimize environmental impacts of construction, adding the company is working on a response to the NEB order.

Greenpeace Canada energy strategist Keith Stewart says it's hard to believe that Trans Mountain owner Kinder Morgan didn't know or failed to check to see if its anti-spawning strategy was allowed.

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v7UhabfVDcs





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  • » [keiths-list] Comcast asks the FCC to prohibit states from enforcing net neutrality | Ars Technica - Darryl McMahon