[cryptome] Ban Critical Race Theory from K–12 Classrooms: A Response to the New York Times

  • From: "Doug" <dmarc-noreply@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> (Redacted sender "douglasrankine" for DMARC)
  • To: Cryptome FL <cryptome@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
  • Date: Wed, 21 Jul 2021 10:04:54 +0100

see url: https://www.nationalreview.com/2021/07/ban-critical-race-theory-from-k-12-classrooms-a-response-to-the-new-york-times/

see full article.  I am trying to get an understanding of what Critical Race Theory is and what it isn't...And also, what one side thinks it is and what the other side thinks it is, and what one side thinks that the other side thinks it is...and vikki verki...all very complicated.  Racism is racism, and equal opportunities is equal opportunities...Equality doesn't exist, either, in the human species, nor does equity...we are all different as individuals, only reflecting patterns or norms of behaviour in our different ethnic histories, cultures, economic and social systems and backgrounds...but what do I know?  However, the so called right and the so called left:  the so called retrogressives and the so called progressives in the USA appear to be at loggerheads over it, particularly in the universities and educational establishments, and what it means for the future of the USA and what should be taught in the schools to the children about US history and the relationships between different ethnic groupings.  I suppose that at least it is better to have some sort of discourse going on between the various ethnic groupings, rather than them getting ready for another civil war by all factions arming themselves to the teeth...

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There can be no credible objection to prohibiting the racially based shaming of children.

One of the interesting lexical shifts that took place during the Enlightenment had to do with the way in which we speak about civil magistrates. As the manifold forms of classical liberalism espoused by Locke, Hobbes, Spinoza, and Rousseau began to supplant throne-and-altar autocracies across Europe during the 17th and 18th centuries, political figures ceased to be called “rulers” and began to be called “leaders.”

This change was not a coincidence. Rule, as Harvey Mansfield helpfully pointed out during a recorded conversation with Bill Kristol a few years ago, is the means by which a society is given its particular character by its political institutions. Rulers indoctrinate, enforce, and set the boundaries for acceptable beliefs and behavior in a given polity. It’s always the attempt of the ruler to take his or her country or people in a given direction, and, for that reason, rule is always partisan.

The early classically liberal theorists believed that rule was not a necessary or inevitable feature of human relations. They believed that a primal state of natural freedom and equality among all people could be imagined which preceded the division of people into rulers and ruled, and they thought it possible to construct a political system that would safeguard this primordial condition by allowing each individual to exercise an attenuated form of the natural liberty which he had enjoyed in this “state of nature.”
More in Critical Race Theory

    From Grad School to Kindergarten: How Critical Race Theory Is Remaking a Connecticut School District
    Cameras in Classrooms? Not So Fast
    Why It’s Important to Pass State Critical Race Theory Bills Now

For these liberals, then, the starting point for thinking about human action was apolitical. Furthermore, they argued that politics should only be introduced voluntarily and always with an eye towards protecting the pre-political freedoms of men and women. This view was in contrast to the older, ancient notion of Aristotle’s that “man is by nature a political animal.” From this Aristotelian perspective, human freedom and equality are thought to be political achievements rather than natural facts. No “state of nature” that pre-exists politics is admitted into this scheme of thought. Politics is inevitable, and so, as a result, is the fact of rule.

All of this might seem needlessly abstract and far removed from the debates roiling the United States today over the bans placed by several states on the teaching of critical race theory in K–12 classrooms, but an understanding of how the ancient and liberal understandings of rule differ is actually indispensable to understanding this conflict.

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