VENEZUELAMarch 17, 2020
US ramps up sanctions devastating Venezuelas health sector as coronavirus
spreads
Promising to smash Venezuelas government during a maximum pressure
March, Trump has imposed crushing sanctions that force Venezuela to spend
three times as much as non-sanctioned countries on coronavirus testing kits.
By Leonardo Flores
During his State of the Union address this February, President Trump
promised to smash and destroy the Venezuelan government. His vows were
followed by a renewed threat of a naval blockade on the country, which is an
act of war under U.S. and international law. Next, the State Department
excitedly announced that the Monroe Doctrine 2.0 will be fleshed out in
the weeks and months to come, declaring a maximum-pressure March against
Venezuela.
These threats have been backed up by concrete policies and actions. Russian
oil company Rosneft, one of the worlds primary purchasers of Venezuelan
oil, has seen two of its subsidiaries sanctioned by the US in less than one
month for doing business with Venezuela. The State Department telegraphed
its move in February, singling out oil companies Rosneft, Reliance (India)
and Repsol (Spain). Chevron, the biggest U.S. oil company still working in
Venezuela, has been warned by the Trump administration that its license to
operate in the country (which exempts it from the sanctions) will not be
renewed.
Since 2015, the U.S. government has sanctioned 49 oil tankers, 18 Venezuelan
companies, 60 foreign companies and 56 airplanes (41 belonging to state
airliner Conviasa and 15 belonging to state oil company PDVSA), but this is
the first time theyve gone after foreign oil companies. By targeting
Rosneft Trading and TNK Trading (the two Rosneft subsidiaries), the United
States makes it next-to-impossible for those firms to continue trading in
Venezuela oil, as shipping companies, insurance companies and banks will
refuse to work with them.
The sanctions have taken a heavy toll, causing at least 130 billion dollars
worth of damage to the economy between 2015 and 2018. Even worse, according
to former U.N. special rapporteur Alfred de Zayas, the sanctions been
responsible for the death of over 100,000 Venezuelans. It is hardly
surprising that Venezuela has asked that the International Criminal Court
investigate the lethal sanctions as crimes against humanity.
The effects of the sanctions are most noticeable in Venezuelas health
sector, which has been decimated over the past five years. The US measures
have impeded banks from carrying out financial transactions for the purchase
of medical supplies. Whats more, they have caused a 90% decrease in
Venezuelas foreign income earnings, depriving the health sector of much
needed investment.
Were it not for the solidarity of China and Cuba, which sent testing kits
and medicine, Venezuela would be woefully ill-equipped to handle the
coronavirus. The sanctions are worsening an already dangerous situation,
forcing Venezuela to spend three times as much for testing kits as
non-sanctioned countries.
President Maduro has appealed directly to Trump to lift the sanctions in the
name of fighting the global pandemic of coronavirus. His appeal will likely
go unanswered, given the intensification not just in sanctions, but in the
violent oppositions acts of irregular warfare.
On March 7, a warehouse containing virtually all of Venezuelas electronic
voting machines was deliberately burned to the ground. A group named the
Venezuelan Patriotic Front, allegedly composed of soldiers and policemen,
claimed responsibility for the terrorist act.
Camila
@camilateleSUR
Venezuela: Firefighters and the GNB continued extinguishing efforts
overnight on the CNE & Cantv premises in Caracas.
The fire covered a large part of the sheds at the principle storage center
which houses voting machines. CNE's President suggests the possibility of
sabotage.
Embedded video
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Although no direct connection can (yet) be made between this group and the
Trump administration, it beggars belief that an operation requiring clearly
significant logistical and financial costs would not have received support
from at least one the many actors openly engaged in regime change: the Trump
administration, the Duque administration in Colombia, the Bolsonaro
administration in Brazil or the extremist right-wing opposition factions
lead by Juan Guaidó.
The silence from the international community on a terrorist act targeting
Venezuelas democratic institutions is deafening. In fact, the OAS, EU or
U.S. were also silent after a warehouse containing telecommunications
equipment was burned in February, or when rebel soldiers attacked barracks
in southern Venezuela in December 2019.
There is already evidence that Venezuelan paramilitaries opposed to the
Maduro government have received support and training in both Colombia and
Brazil, not to mention the alleged millions of dollars spent by the U.S.to
get Venezuelan military officials to turn on the government. In addition to
supporting irregular warfare, the Trump administration is preparing for
conventional warfare.
The threat of a naval blockade an act of outright war was followed up by
separate meetings between Trump, Defense Secretary Mark Esper and
high-ranking military officials with Colombian President Ivan Duque and
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. (Ironically, while meeting with the
Brazilian delegation to discuss the destruction of the Maduro government,
Trump was likely exposed to coronavirus. One of the delegations members,
Bolsonaros communications secretary, tested positive for the disease.)
Besides the naval blockade, the U.S. plans an enhanced presence of ships,
aircraft and security forces to
counter a range of threats to include
illicit narco-terrorism, a clear reference to Venezuela despite the fact
that according to the U.S. governments own statistics, it is not a primary
transit country for drug trafficking.
Maximum pressure March is timed to coincide with important negotiations in
Caracas between the Venezuelan government and moderate sectors of the
opposition. The two sides have set up a commission that will select new
members of the National Electoral Council in time for this years
legislative elections. One of Juan Guaidós allies, Henry Ramos Allup,
leader of opposition party Acción Democrática (Democratic Action), came
under fire from the extreme right for saying he will participate in the
elections. The terror attack on the voting machines is unlikely to affect
the timing of the elections, but without its system of electronic voting
backed up by paper receipts and audits of the vote count, the results will
be vulnerable to claims of fraud.
This is not the first time that the Trump administration has amplified its
regime change efforts in response to negotiations between the Venezuelan
government and the opposition. It did so in February 2018, when
then-Secretary of State Rex Tillerson threatened an oil embargo and said he
would welcome a military coup right as the two sides were about to sign a
comprehensive agreement worked on for months in the Dominican Republic.
It happened again in August 2019, when the U.S. applied what the Wall Street
Journal characterized as a total economic embargo in the middle of
discussions between the Guaidó-led opposition and government. In both
instances, negotiations fell apart as a result of U.S. government actions
and statements.
This time, it is unlikely that the pressure will scuttle dialogue, as
moderate opposition politicians are coming to terms with the fact that 82%
of Venezuelans reject sanctions and support dialogue.
Unfortunately, the Trump administration has made it clear it doesnt care
about what Venezuelans want. Instead, it continues to ramp up the pressure
and might even be setting the scene for a military intervention perhaps an
October surprise to shore up Trumps reelection bid.
