US Shrugs Off Yet Another Report of Cluster Bombs Launched By Saudis In
Yemen
Published on
Tuesday, February 16, 2016
by
Shadowproof
US Shrugs Off Yet Another Report of Cluster Bombs Launched By Saudis In
Yemen
by
Kevin Gosztola
Two BLU-108 canisters, one with two skeet (submunitions) still attached,
found in the al-Amar area of al-Safraa in Saada governorate, northern Yemen
after an attack on April 27. (Photo: Ole Solvang/Human Rights Watch)
Following a new report from Human Rights Watch on the use of banned cluster
bombs by the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen, the United States State
Department has once again given a statement so the government may appear as
if it is concerned. But there have been consistent cluster bomb reports
since the U.S.-backed intervention was launched in March 2015, and each time
business as usual has resumed with no regard for the civilians killed by
these explosives.
On February 14, HRW reported, "Recently transferred U.S.-manufactured
cluster munitions are being used in civilian areas contrary to U.S. export
requirements and also appear to be failing to meet the reliability standard
required for U.S. export of the weapons."
According to field research by HRW, Amnesty International, and the United
Nations, evidence has proven the Saudi-led coalition has used cluster
munitions. The human rights groups have interviewed witnesses and victims of
the cluster bombs.
Cluster bombs were used by Saudi-led forces on December 12, 2015. Muhammad
Ahmad, who is 33 years-old, told HRW, "I was with six friends from the
village . sitting on a small hill watching the strikes."
"We suddenly saw about 20 white parachutes in the air, falling toward the
port. Less than a minute later, each one released a cloud of black smoke as
it neared the ground and exploded," Ahmad recounted. "It looked like a
series of multiple bombs all next to each other. Less than five minutes
later, it happened again, another bomb let out a group of about 20
parachutes and the same thing happened. But because of the direction the
wind was blowing, the parachutes suddenly started falling toward our
village."
Forty-two year-old Hussein Saed said the home of his brother, Ali, was hit
by metal fragments. The fragments wounded Ali's wife, Aziza Ahmad Ahdab, a
42 year-old, and their daughter, Salama, who is four years-old. Ahdab had to
have her lower right leg amputated.
In 2013, the U.S. government approved a deal to export $640 million worth of
cluster bombs to Saudi Arabia by the end of 2015. The contract was with
Textron Systems Corporation.
HRW claimed CBU-105 Sensor Fuzed Weapons were used in the December 12
attack. The group raised two key issues: one, the Saudi coalition launched
these weapons in populated areas, which U.S. export law is supposed to
prohibit. Two, U.S. export law only allows for cluster bombs with a "failure
rate of less than 1 percent." These weapons are not functioning reliably
when launched in Yemen.
"The CBU-105 disperses 10 BLU-108 canisters that each release four
submunitions the manufacturer calls 'skeet' that are designed to sense,
classify, and engage a target such as an armored vehicle," HRW described,
referencing a data sheet from Textron Systems Corporation. "The submunitions
explode above the ground and project an explosively formed jet of metal and
fragmentation downward. The skeet are equipped with electronic self-destruct
and self-deactivation features.
"However, photographs taken by Human Rights Watch field investigators at one
location and photographs received from another location show BLU-108 from
separate attacks with their "skeets" or submunitions still attached. This
shows a failure to function as intended as the submunitions failed to
disperse from the canister, or were dispersed but did not explode," HRW
reported.
More significant than the malfunction of the cluster bombs, however, is the
fact that the U.S. even permits, endorses, and defends the use of these
explosives at all.
The U.S. government refuses to sign the Convention on Cluster Munitions and
has actively pressured countries to not support the abolition of cluster
bombs.
Diplomatic cables provided to WikiLeaks by U.S. Army whistleblower Chelsea
Manning showed the lengths officials will go to fight bans against the
weapons. For example, when Afghanistan was about to sign the treaty in 2011,
U.S. diplomats argued destruction of stockpiles would "impede the ability of
U.S. forces to defend" the country.
"We know from WikiLeaks and from U.S. officials that during the negotiating
process that the U.S. contacted more than 100 countries to talk to them
about the convention," Steve Goose, who chairs the Cluster Munition
Coalition, told The Washington Post. "The U.S. contact ranged from
expressing concern to twisting arms not to be part of the process and not to
sign-and they had a very concerted campaign to influence the language of the
treaty."
In addition to the December 12 attack, HRW reported on instances on April
17, April 27, and May 21, 2015, when cluster bombs were used. Amnesty
reported cluster bombs were used on June 29. But reports, backed up by
evidence, have not changed the manner in which government officials approach
the issue of cluster bombs.
On January 7, State Department spokesperson John Kirby was pushed to answer
whether the U.S. government would investigate the use of cluster bombs.
Kirby tried to dodge the question, and then declared, "I know of no such
investigation by the United States into the potential use of this particular
weapon by the Saudi-led coalition." That was not the question.
The use of cluster bombs was also referred to as the "alleged use," even
though it is abundantly clear the weapons have been used.
On December 29, 2015, State Department deputy spokesperson Mark Toner said,
"I don't have anything here that conclusively points to or conclusively
speaks to the use of cluster munitions. We have expressed these concerns,
though, about their use in the past."
A reporter pressed Kirby on September 9, 2015, on how cluster bombs were
different than barrel bombs, because the U.S. government condemned the
Syrian government for using barrel bombs that killed civilians.
QUESTION: Yeah, but in your description, it's not really that much different
than cluster bombs, which, let's say, the Saudis are using in Yemen that are
supplied by the United States.
MR. KIRBY: Well, there's a huge difference, Said. I mean, cluster munitions
are allowed legally when they are applied in a combat environment for
discrete purposes. And when we transfer them or sell them, there is an
end-use requirement there for how they're used, and certainly, we have
vehicles at our disposal should they not be used appropriately. That's the
big difference between the tactical, specific use of cluster munitions in
accordance with international law and then dropping a barrel bomb out of an
aircraft or a helicopter on a crowd of people. Big difference.
In other words, cluster bombs aren't bad because we have given their use a
veneer of adherence to the rule of law. No amount of brutality will convince
us cluster bombs are intended to kill and maim like barrel bombs. Plus, we
use them and we do not have evil objectives like Bashar al-Assad.
When acting deputy State Department spokesperson Jeff Rathke was asked on
May 4, 2015, "Would the U.S. bear any responsibility given that the alleged
use of cluster munitions were supplied by the U.S.?"
"Well, we're looking into the specific allegations, so I don't have
confirmation of those in the report," Rathke replied.
Around eight months later, the State Department continues to act as if it is
the sole responsibility of Saudi Arabia to account for the use of cluster
bombs. But the U.S. cannot wash its hands of the blood being spilled as a
result of deadly weapons exported to Saudi Arabia.
The State Department maintains the U.S. "spends more than any other country
to eliminate the risk to civilians from land mines and all explosive
remnants of war, including unexploded cluster munitions." However, at no
point has the State Department had anything to say about efforts to ensure
Saudi Arabia cleans up unexploded cluster bombs. In fact, one can bet no
such cleanup operations are underway as the carnage unfolds in Yemen.
Instead, the U.S. government clings to the notion that cluster bombs have
some "military utility."
"Their elimination from U.S. stockpiles would put the lives of its soldiers
and those of its coalition partners at risk. Moreover, cluster munitions can
often result in much less collateral damage than unitary weapons, such as a
larger bomb or larger artillery shell would cause, if used for the same
mission," the State Department has claimed.
That basically translates to, be happy we are not defending the use of
barrel bombs or other explosives more deadly than cluster bombs. Because we
could be permitting the use of far worse weapons.
Copyright FDL Media Group C, All Rights Reserved.
Kevin Gosztola
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US Shrugs Off Yet Another Report of Cluster Bombs Launched By Saudis In
Yemen
Published on
Tuesday, February 16, 2016
by
Shadowproof
US Shrugs Off Yet Another Report of Cluster Bombs Launched By Saudis In
Yemen
by
Kevin Gosztola
. 7 Comments
.
. Two BLU-108 canisters, one with two skeet (submunitions) still
attached, found in the al-Amar area of al-Safraa in Saada governorate,
northern Yemen after an attack on April 27. (Photo: Ole Solvang/Human Rights
Watch)
. Following a new report from Human Rights Watch on the use of banned
cluster bombs by the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen, the United States State
Department has once again given a statement so the government may appear as
if it is concerned. But there have been consistent cluster bomb reports
since the U.S.-backed intervention was launched in March 2015, and each time
business as usual has resumed with no regard for the civilians killed by
these explosives.
. On February 14, HRW reported, "Recently transferred
U.S.-manufactured cluster munitions are being used in civilian areas
contrary to U.S. export requirements and also appear to be failing to meet
the reliability standard required for U.S. export of the weapons."
. According to field research by HRW, Amnesty International, and the
United Nations, evidence has proven the Saudi-led coalition has used cluster
munitions. The human rights groups have interviewed witnesses and victims of
the cluster bombs.
. Cluster bombs were used by Saudi-led forces on December 12, 2015.
Muhammad Ahmad, who is 33 years-old, told HRW, "I was with six friends from
the village . sitting on a small hill watching the strikes."
"We suddenly saw about 20 white parachutes in the air, falling toward the
port. Less than a minute later, each one released a cloud of black smoke as
it neared the ground and exploded," Ahmad recounted. "It looked like a
series of multiple bombs all next to each other. Less than five minutes
later, it happened again, another bomb let out a group of about 20
parachutes and the same thing happened. But because of the direction the
wind was blowing, the parachutes suddenly started falling toward our
village."
Forty-two year-old Hussein Saed said the home of his brother, Ali, was hit
by metal fragments. The fragments wounded Ali's wife, Aziza Ahmad Ahdab, a
42 year-old, and their daughter, Salama, who is four years-old. Ahdab had to
have her lower right leg amputated.
In 2013, the U.S. government approved a deal to export $640 million worth of
cluster bombs to Saudi Arabia by the end of 2015. The contract was with
Textron Systems Corporation.
HRW claimed CBU-105 Sensor Fuzed Weapons were used in the December 12
attack. The group raised two key issues: one, the Saudi coalition launched
these weapons in populated areas, which U.S. export law is supposed to
prohibit. Two, U.S. export law only allows for cluster bombs with a "failure
rate of less than 1 percent." These weapons are not functioning reliably
when launched in Yemen.
"The CBU-105 disperses 10 BLU-108 canisters that each release four
submunitions the manufacturer calls 'skeet' that are designed to sense,
classify, and engage a target such as an armored vehicle," HRW described,
referencing a data sheet from Textron Systems Corporation. "The submunitions
explode above the ground and project an explosively formed jet of metal and
fragmentation downward. The skeet are equipped with electronic self-destruct
and self-deactivation features.
"However, photographs taken by Human Rights Watch field investigators at one
location and photographs received from another location show BLU-108 from
separate attacks with their "skeets" or submunitions still attached. This
shows a failure to function as intended as the submunitions failed to
disperse from the canister, or were dispersed but did not explode," HRW
reported.
More significant than the malfunction of the cluster bombs, however, is the
fact that the U.S. even permits, endorses, and defends the use of these
explosives at all.
The U.S. government refuses to sign the Convention on Cluster Munitions and
has actively pressured countries to not support the abolition of cluster
bombs.
Diplomatic cables provided to WikiLeaks by U.S. Army whistleblower Chelsea
Manning showed the lengths officials will go to fight bans against the
weapons. For example, when Afghanistan was about to sign the treaty in 2011,
U.S. diplomats argued destruction of stockpiles would "impede the ability of
U.S. forces to defend" the country.
"We know from WikiLeaks and from U.S. officials that during the negotiating
process that the U.S. contacted more than 100 countries to talk to them
about the convention," Steve Goose, who chairs the Cluster Munition
Coalition, told The Washington Post. "The U.S. contact ranged from
expressing concern to twisting arms not to be part of the process and not to
sign-and they had a very concerted campaign to influence the language of the
treaty."
In addition to the December 12 attack, HRW reported on instances on April
17, April 27, and May 21, 2015, when cluster bombs were used. Amnesty
reported cluster bombs were used on June 29. But reports, backed up by
evidence, have not changed the manner in which government officials approach
the issue of cluster bombs.
On January 7, State Department spokesperson John Kirby was pushed to answer
whether the U.S. government would investigate the use of cluster bombs.
Kirby tried to dodge the question, and then declared, "I know of no such
investigation by the United States into the potential use of this particular
weapon by the Saudi-led coalition." That was not the question.
The use of cluster bombs was also referred to as the "alleged use," even
though it is abundantly clear the weapons have been used.
On December 29, 2015, State Department deputy spokesperson Mark Toner said,
"I don't have anything here that conclusively points to or conclusively
speaks to the use of cluster munitions. We have expressed these concerns,
though, about their use in the past."
A reporter pressed Kirby on September 9, 2015, on how cluster bombs were
different than barrel bombs, because the U.S. government condemned the
Syrian government for using barrel bombs that killed civilians.
QUESTION: Yeah, but in your description, it's not really that much different
than cluster bombs, which, let's say, the Saudis are using in Yemen that are
supplied by the United States.
MR. KIRBY: Well, there's a huge difference, Said. I mean, cluster munitions
are allowed legally when they are applied in a combat environment for
discrete purposes. And when we transfer them or sell them, there is an
end-use requirement there for how they're used, and certainly, we have
vehicles at our disposal should they not be used appropriately. That's the
big difference between the tactical, specific use of cluster munitions in
accordance with international law and then dropping a barrel bomb out of an
aircraft or a helicopter on a crowd of people. Big difference.
In other words, cluster bombs aren't bad because we have given their use a
veneer of adherence to the rule of law. No amount of brutality will convince
us cluster bombs are intended to kill and maim like barrel bombs. Plus, we
use them and we do not have evil objectives like Bashar al-Assad.
When acting deputy State Department spokesperson Jeff Rathke was asked on
May 4, 2015, "Would the U.S. bear any responsibility given that the alleged
use of cluster munitions were supplied by the U.S.?"
"Well, we're looking into the specific allegations, so I don't have
confirmation of those in the report," Rathke replied.
Around eight months later, the State Department continues to act as if it is
the sole responsibility of Saudi Arabia to account for the use of cluster
bombs. But the U.S. cannot wash its hands of the blood being spilled as a
result of deadly weapons exported to Saudi Arabia.
The State Department maintains the U.S. "spends more than any other country
to eliminate the risk to civilians from land mines and all explosive
remnants of war, including unexploded cluster munitions." However, at no
point has the State Department had anything to say about efforts to ensure
Saudi Arabia cleans up unexploded cluster bombs. In fact, one can bet no
such cleanup operations are underway as the carnage unfolds in Yemen.
Instead, the U.S. government clings to the notion that cluster bombs have
some "military utility."
"Their elimination from U.S. stockpiles would put the lives of its soldiers
and those of its coalition partners at risk. Moreover, cluster munitions can
often result in much less collateral damage than unitary weapons, such as a
larger bomb or larger artillery shell would cause, if used for the same
mission," the State Department has claimed.
That basically translates to, be happy we are not defending the use of
barrel bombs or other explosives more deadly than cluster bombs. Because we
could be permitting the use of far worse weapons.
Copyright FDL Media Group C, All Rights Reserved.
