The Real Enemy Is Within
http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/the_real_enemy_is_within_20150906/
Posted on Sep 6, 2015
By Chris Hedges
Steve Mann / Shutterstock
If you are not dedicated to the destruction of empire and the dismantling of
American militarism, then you cannot count yourself as a member of the left.
It is not a side issue. It is the issue. It is why I refuse to give a pass
in this presidential election campaign to Bernie Sanders, who refuses to
confront the war industry or the crimes of empire, including U.S. support
for the slow genocide carried out by Israel against the Palestinians. There
will be no genuine democratic, social, economic or political reform until we
destroy our permanent war machine.
Militarists and war profiteers are our greatest enemy. They use fear,
bolstered by racism, as a tool in their efforts to abolish civil liberties,
crush dissent and ultimately extinguish democracy. To produce weapons and
finance military expansion, they ruin the domestic economy by diverting
resources, scientific and technical expertise and a disproportionate share
of government funds. They use the military to carry out futile, decades-long
wars to enrich corporations such as Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics,
Raytheon and Northrop Grumman. War is a business. And when the generals
retire, guess where they go to work? Profits swell. War never stops. Whole
sections of the earth live in terror. And our nation is disemboweled and
left to live under what the political philosopher Sheldon Wolin calls
inverted totalitarianism. Libertarians seem to get this. It is time the
left woke up.
Bourgeois society faces a dilemma, socialist Rosa Luxemburg writes,
either a transition to Socialism, or a return to barbarism ... we face the
choice: either the victory of imperialism and the decline of all culture, as
in ancient Romeannihilation, devastation, degeneration, a yawning
graveyard; or the victory of Socialismthe victory of the international
working class consciously assaulting imperialism and its method: war. This
is the dilemma of world history, either-or; the die will be cast by the
class-conscious proletariat.
The U.S. military and its array of civilian contractors operate as enforcers
and hired killers across the globe for corporations, many of which pay no
taxes. Young men and women, many unable to find work, are the cannon fodder.
The U.S. military has served as the handmaiden of capitalism since it
committed genocide against Native Americans, carried out on behalf of land
speculators, mineral companies, timber merchants and the railroads. The
military replicated this indiscriminate slaughter at the end of the 19th
century in our imperial expansion in Cuba and elsewhere in the Caribbean, in
Central America and especially in the Philippines. Military muscle exists to
permit global corporations to expand markets and plunder oil, minerals and
other natural resources while keeping subjugated populations impoverished by
corrupt and brutal puppet regimes. The masters of war are the scum of the
earth.
It was the war profiteers and the military, as Seymour Melman has pointed
out, that conspired after World War II to keep the country in a state of
total war, deforming the economy to continue to produce massive amounts of
weapons and armaments in peacetime. The permanent war economy is sustained
through fearmongeringabout communists during the Cold War and about Islamic
jihadists today. Such fearmongering is used not only to justify crippling
military expenditures but to crush internal dissent. The corporatists and
the military, which have successfully carried out what John Ralston Saul
calls a coup détat in slow motion, have used their political and economic
clout to dismantle programs and policies put in place under the New Deal.
Brian Waddell writes of this process:
The requirements of total war ... revived corporate political leverage,
allowing corporate executives inside and outside the state extensive
influence over wartime mobilization policies. ... Assertive corporate
executives and military officials formed a very effective wartime alliance
that not only blocked any augmentation of the New Dealer authority but also
organized a powerful alternative to the New Deal. International activism
displaced and supplanted New Deal domestic activism. Thus was the stage
finally set for a vastly extended and much more powerful informal U.S.
empire outside its own hemisphere.
The war machine is not, and almost never has been, a force for liberty or
democracy. It does not make us safe. It does not make the world safe. And
its immense economic and political power internally, including its
management of the security and surveillance state and its huge defense
contracts, has turned it into the most dangerous institution in America.
Military expenditures bleed the federal budgetofficiallyof $598.49 billion
a year, or 53.71 percent of all spending. This does not, however, include
veterans benefits at $65.32 billion a year or hidden costs in other budgets
that see the military and the war profiteers take as much as $1.6 trillion a
year out of the pockets of taxpayers. The working and middle class fund the
endless wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen and a host of
other countries while suffering crippling austerity programs, massive debt
peonage, collapsing infrastructures, chronic underemployment and
unemployment and mounting internal repression. The war industry, feeding off
the carcass of the state, grows fat and powerful with profits. This is not
unique. It is how all empires are hollowed out from the inside. As we are
impoverished and stripped of our rights, the tools used to maintain control
on the outer reaches of empiredrones, militarized police, indiscriminate
violence, a loss of civil liberties, and security and surveillanceare used
on us. We have devolved, because of the poison of empire, into a Third World
nation with nukes. We are ruled by an omnipotent, corporate oligarchy and
their Pretorian Guard. The political class, Republican and Democrat, dances
to the tune played by these oligarchs and militarists and mouths the words
they want it to say.
C. Wright Mills in The Power Elite warns of a military machine that not
only holds the political and economic life of the nation hostage but also
has the ability to form public opinion. The Pentagon spends $4.7 billion a
year and has some 27,000 employees who work on recruitment, advertising,
psychological operations and public relations, according to a 2009 report by
The Associated Press. But millions of dollars more for propaganda are hidden
within classified budgets. The Pentagon places its commentators and pundits
on the airwaves, produces news stories for the press, has ubiquitous
advertising, runs junkets for Wall Street capitalists and elected officials
and manages how Hollywood and television portray war and the military. Mills
writes:
[I]n all of pluralist America, there is no interestthere is no possible
combination of intereststhat has anywhere near the time, the money, the
manpower, to present a point of view on the issues involved that can
effectively compete with the views presented day in and day out by the
warlords and by those whom they employ.
This means, for one thing, that there is no free and wider debate of
military policy or of policies of military relevance. But that, of course,
is in line with the professional soldiers training for command and
obedience, and with his ethos, which is certainly not that of a debating
society in which decisions are put to a vote. It is also in line with the
tendency in a mass society for manipulation to replace explicitly debated
authority, as well as the fact of total war in which the distinction between
soldier and civilian is obliterated. The military manipulation of civilian
opinion and the military invasion of the civilian mind are now important
ways in which the power of the warlords is steadily exerted.
The extent of the military publicity, and the absence of opposition to it,
also means that it is not merely this proposal or that point of view that is
being pushed. In the absence of contrasting views, the very highest form of
propaganda warfare can be fought: the propaganda for a definition of reality
within which only certain limited viewpoints are possible. What is being
promulgated and reinforced is the military metaphysicsthe cast of mind that
defines international reality as basically military. The publicists of the
military ascendency need not really work to indoctrinate with this
metaphysics those who count: they have already accepted it.
The naked greed and violence that define empire, understood by writers such
as Joseph Conrad, Eduardo Galeano and Arundhati Roy, is masked within empire
behind the cant of patriotism and nationalism, which sanctify
self-exaltation and racism. Imperial war is transformed through the magic of
propaganda into glorious spectacle. Galeano once wrote that each time a new
war is disclosed in the name of the fight of the good against evil, those
who are killed are all poor. Its always the same story repeating once and
again and again.
The hypermasculinity of the military, celebrated by Hollywood and the media,
is seductive to an underclass trapped in menial, dead-end jobs. Empires feed
like vultures on these pools of frustrated surplus labor. They manipulate
their feelings of powerlessness. This is why capitalists create pools of
surplus labor. Those who are desperate to secure a place in society are easy
fodder for the military and ready candidates for underpaid jobs without
benefits or job security. Our corporate, neofeudal society is by design.
The sons and daughters of the elites rarely serve in the military. The
military, even at the service academies such as West Point, attracts those
who have been cast aside by neoliberalism. Often, before joining the
military, they lack a clearly defined identity or sense of purpose. They are
terrified of being pushed permanently into the underclass. They are
especially susceptible to indoctrination. The military teaches soldiers,
sailors, airmen and Marines not to think, not to challenge assumptions and
structures, but to obey and to be tough and strong. This hypermasculine
culture glorifies the state and state violence. It renders all human beings
outside the sacred national circle as objects to control or exploit. It
creates a binary world of good and evil. It sanctifies violence, especially
male violence. It is why rape is endemic in the military. It is why
pornography and violence against women are so pervasive in the culture.
Tenderness, nurturing and empathy, along with intellectual inquiry and
artistic expression, are banished. The weak and the vulnerable deserve to be
cast aside. Our enemies deserve to be killed. It is the culture of death.
And we drink deep from this dark elixir.
W.E.B. Du Bois warns that empire was the primary tool used to break the
working class in Europe and later in the United States. As workers organized
and fought for rights and fair wages, the masters of empire started to shift
production to countries more easily controlled, countries inhabited by
darker peoples. This is a shift that is largely complete.
Here, are no labor unions or votes or questioning onlookers or inconvenient
consciences, Du Bois writes. These men may be used down to the very bone,
and shot and maimed in punitive expeditions when they revolt. In these
dark lands industrial development may repeat in exaggerated form every
horror of the industrial horror of Europe, from slavery and rape to disease
and maiming, with one test of successdividends.
Du Bois also knew that the costs of maintaining empire were offset by the
profits. What do nations care about the cost of war, if by spending a few
hundred millions in steel and gunpowder they can gain a thousand millions in
diamonds and cocoa? he asks.
The reality of empire is nearly impossible to see from the heart of empire.
Those who speak its truth are banished from the airwaves. They are condemned
as traitors or anti-American. The cries of empires victims are rarely
heard. The crimes that empire commits are rendered invisible. The greed of
the war makers, along with the corruption and dishonesty of the political,
judicial, academic and media courtiers who serve empire, is blocked from
public view. The image of empire is scripted like a Walt Disney movie. This
mythical narrative is disseminated in films, on television, by the press, in
churches, in universities and by the state. It is a lie. But it is a lie
that works. And it works because it is what we want. It appeals to our
fantasies about ourselves: that we are a virtuous people, that God has
blessed us above others, that we have the highest form of civilization, that
we have been anointed to police the world and make it safe, that we are the
most powerful and righteous nation on earth, that we are always assured of
victory, that we have a right to kill in the name of nationalist
valuesvalues determined by our naked self-interest and that we conveniently
define as universal.
Noam Chomsky, more than perhaps any other American intellectual, has laid
bare the latent forces of totalitarianism in our midst and warned us against
the contagion of empire. He says:
Those with deep totalitarian commitments identify the state with the
society, its people, and its culture. Therefore those who criticized the
policies of the Kremlin under Stalin were condemned as anti-Soviet or
hating Russia. For their counterparts in the West, those who criticize the
policies of the U.S. government are anti-American and hate America;
those are the standard terms used by intellectual opinion, including
left-liberal segments, so deeply committed to their totalitarian instincts
that they cannot even recognize them, let alone understand their disgraceful
history, tracing to the origins of recorded history in interesting ways. For
the totalitarian, patriotism means support for the state and its policies,
perhaps with twitters of protest on grounds that they might fail or cost us
too much. For those whose instincts are democratic rather than totalitarian,
patriotism means commitment to the welfare and improvement of the society,
its people, its culture. Thats a natural sentiment and one that can be
quite positive. Its one all serious activists share, I presume; otherwise
why take the trouble to do what we do? But the kind of patriotism fostered
by totalitarian societies and military dictatorships, and internalized as
second nature by much of intellectual opinion in more free societies, is one
of the worst maladies of human history, and will probably do us all in
before too long.
There can be no rational debate about empire with many desperate Americans
who have ingested this as their creed. The distortion of neoliberalism has
left them little else. Here lies the virus of fascism, wrapped in the
American flag, held aloft by the Christian cross and buttressed by white
supremacy. It is a potent and dangerous force within the body politic. And
it is growing. The real enemy is within.
http://www.truthdig.com/ http://www.truthdig.com/
The Real Enemy Is Within
http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/the_real_enemy_is_within_20150906/
Posted on Sep 6, 2015
By Chris Hedges
Steve Mann / Shutterstock
If you are not dedicated to the destruction of empire and the dismantling of
American militarism, then you cannot count yourself as a member of the left.
It is not a side issue. It is the issue. It is why I refuse to give a pass
in this presidential election campaign to Bernie Sanders, who refuses to
confront the war industry or the crimes of empire, including U.S. support
for the slow genocide carried out by Israel against the Palestinians. There
will be no genuine democratic, social, economic or political reform until we
destroy our permanent war machine.
Militarists and war profiteers are our greatest enemy. They use fear,
bolstered by racism, as a tool in their efforts to abolish civil liberties,
crush dissent and ultimately extinguish democracy. To produce weapons and
finance military expansion, they ruin the domestic economy by diverting
resources, scientific and technical expertise and a disproportionate share
of government funds. They use the military to carry out futile, decades-long
wars to enrich corporations such as Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics,
Raytheon and Northrop Grumman. War is a business. And when the generals
retire, guess where they go to work? Profits swell. War never stops. Whole
sections of the earth live in terror. And our nation is disemboweled and
left to live under what the political philosopher Sheldon Wolin calls
inverted totalitarianism. Libertarians seem to get this. It is time the
left woke up.
Bourgeois society faces a dilemma, socialist Rosa Luxemburg writes,
either a transition to Socialism, or a return to barbarism ... we face the
choice: either the victory of imperialism and the decline of all culture, as
in ancient Romeannihilation, devastation, degeneration, a yawning
graveyard; or the victory of Socialismthe victory of the international
working class consciously assaulting imperialism and its method: war. This
is the dilemma of world history, either-or; the die will be cast by the
class-conscious proletariat.
The U.S. military and its array of civilian contractors operate as enforcers
and hired killers across the globe for corporations, many of which pay no
taxes. Young men and women, many unable to find work, are the cannon fodder.
The U.S. military has served as the handmaiden of capitalism since it
committed genocide against Native Americans, carried out on behalf of land
speculators, mineral companies, timber merchants and the railroads. The
military replicated this indiscriminate slaughter at the end of the 19th
century in our imperial expansion in Cuba and elsewhere in the Caribbean, in
Central America and especially in the Philippines. Military muscle exists to
permit global corporations to expand markets and plunder oil, minerals and
other natural resources while keeping subjugated populations impoverished by
corrupt and brutal puppet regimes. The masters of war are the scum of the
earth.
It was the war profiteers and the military, as Seymour Melman has pointed
out, that conspired after World War II to keep the country in a state of
total war, deforming the economy to continue to produce massive amounts of
weapons and armaments in peacetime. The permanent war economy is sustained
through fearmongeringabout communists during the Cold War and about Islamic
jihadists today. Such fearmongering is used not only to justify crippling
military expenditures but to crush internal dissent. The corporatists and
the military, which have successfully carried out what John Ralston Saul
calls a coup détat in slow motion, have used their political and economic
clout to dismantle programs and policies put in place under the New Deal.
Brian Waddell writes of this process:
The requirements of total war ... revived corporate political leverage,
allowing corporate executives inside and outside the state extensive
influence over wartime mobilization policies. ... Assertive corporate
executives and military officials formed a very effective wartime alliance
that not only blocked any augmentation of the New Dealer authority but also
organized a powerful alternative to the New Deal. International activism
displaced and supplanted New Deal domestic activism. Thus was the stage
finally set for a vastly extended and much more powerful informal U.S.
empire outside its own hemisphere.
The war machine is not, and almost never has been, a force for liberty or
democracy. It does not make us safe. It does not make the world safe. And
its immense economic and political power internally, including its
management of the security and surveillance state and its huge defense
contracts, has turned it into the most dangerous institution in America.
Military expenditures bleed the federal budgetofficiallyof $598.49 billion
a year, or 53.71 percent of all spending. This does not, however, include
veterans benefits at $65.32 billion a year or hidden costs in other budgets
that see the military and the war profiteers take as much as $1.6 trillion a
year out of the pockets of taxpayers. The working and middle class fund the
endless wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen and a host of
other countries while suffering crippling austerity programs, massive debt
peonage, collapsing infrastructures, chronic underemployment and
unemployment and mounting internal repression. The war industry, feeding off
the carcass of the state, grows fat and powerful with profits. This is not
unique. It is how all empires are hollowed out from the inside. As we are
impoverished and stripped of our rights, the tools used to maintain control
on the outer reaches of empiredrones, militarized police, indiscriminate
violence, a loss of civil liberties, and security and surveillanceare used
on us. We have devolved, because of the poison of empire, into a Third World
nation with nukes. We are ruled by an omnipotent, corporate oligarchy and
their Pretorian Guard. The political class, Republican and Democrat, dances
to the tune played by these oligarchs and militarists and mouths the words
they want it to say.
C. Wright Mills in The Power Elite warns of a military machine that not
only holds the political and economic life of the nation hostage but also
has the ability to form public opinion. The Pentagon spends $4.7 billion a
year and has some 27,000 employees who work on recruitment, advertising,
psychological operations and public relations, according to a 2009 report by
The Associated Press. But millions of dollars more for propaganda are hidden
within classified budgets. The Pentagon places its commentators and pundits
on the airwaves, produces news stories for the press, has ubiquitous
advertising, runs junkets for Wall Street capitalists and elected officials
and manages how Hollywood and television portray war and the military. Mills
writes:
[I]n all of pluralist America, there is no interestthere is no possible
combination of intereststhat has anywhere near the time, the money, the
manpower, to present a point of view on the issues involved that can
effectively compete with the views presented day in and day out by the
warlords and by those whom they employ.
This means, for one thing, that there is no free and wider debate of
military policy or of policies of military relevance. But that, of course,
is in line with the professional soldiers training for command and
obedience, and with his ethos, which is certainly not that of a debating
society in which decisions are put to a vote. It is also in line with the
tendency in a mass society for manipulation to replace explicitly debated
authority, as well as the fact of total war in which the distinction between
soldier and civilian is obliterated. The military manipulation of civilian
opinion and the military invasion of the civilian mind are now important
ways in which the power of the warlords is steadily exerted.
The extent of the military publicity, and the absence of opposition to it,
also means that it is not merely this proposal or that point of view that is
being pushed. In the absence of contrasting views, the very highest form of
propaganda warfare can be fought: the propaganda for a definition of reality
within which only certain limited viewpoints are possible. What is being
promulgated and reinforced is the military metaphysicsthe cast of mind that
defines international reality as basically military. The publicists of the
military ascendency need not really work to indoctrinate with this
metaphysics those who count: they have already accepted it.
The naked greed and violence that define empire, understood by writers such
as Joseph Conrad, Eduardo Galeano and Arundhati Roy, is masked within empire
behind the cant of patriotism and nationalism, which sanctify
self-exaltation and racism. Imperial war is transformed through the magic of
propaganda into glorious spectacle. Galeano once wrote that each time a new
war is disclosed in the name of the fight of the good against evil, those
who are killed are all poor. Its always the same story repeating once and
again and again.
The hypermasculinity of the military, celebrated by Hollywood and the media,
is seductive to an underclass trapped in menial, dead-end jobs. Empires feed
like vultures on these pools of frustrated surplus labor. They manipulate
their feelings of powerlessness. This is why capitalists create pools of
surplus labor. Those who are desperate to secure a place in society are easy
fodder for the military and ready candidates for underpaid jobs without
benefits or job security. Our corporate, neofeudal society is by design.
The sons and daughters of the elites rarely serve in the military. The
military, even at the service academies such as West Point, attracts those
who have been cast aside by neoliberalism. Often, before joining the
military, they lack a clearly defined identity or sense of purpose. They are
terrified of being pushed permanently into the underclass. They are
especially susceptible to indoctrination. The military teaches soldiers,
sailors, airmen and Marines not to think, not to challenge assumptions and
structures, but to obey and to be tough and strong. This hypermasculine
culture glorifies the state and state violence. It renders all human beings
outside the sacred national circle as objects to control or exploit. It
creates a binary world of good and evil. It sanctifies violence, especially
male violence. It is why rape is endemic in the military. It is why
pornography and violence against women are so pervasive in the culture.
Tenderness, nurturing and empathy, along with intellectual inquiry and
artistic expression, are banished. The weak and the vulnerable deserve to be
cast aside. Our enemies deserve to be killed. It is the culture of death.
And we drink deep from this dark elixir.
W.E.B. Du Bois warns that empire was the primary tool used to break the
working class in Europe and later in the United States. As workers organized
and fought for rights and fair wages, the masters of empire started to shift
production to countries more easily controlled, countries inhabited by
darker peoples. This is a shift that is largely complete.
Here, are no labor unions or votes or questioning onlookers or inconvenient
consciences, Du Bois writes. These men may be used down to the very bone,
and shot and maimed in punitive expeditions when they revolt. In these
dark lands industrial development may repeat in exaggerated form every
horror of the industrial horror of Europe, from slavery and rape to disease
and maiming, with one test of successdividends.
Du Bois also knew that the costs of maintaining empire were offset by the
profits. What do nations care about the cost of war, if by spending a few
hundred millions in steel and gunpowder they can gain a thousand millions in
diamonds and cocoa? he asks.
The reality of empire is nearly impossible to see from the heart of empire.
Those who speak its truth are banished from the airwaves. They are condemned
as traitors or anti-American. The cries of empires victims are rarely
heard. The crimes that empire commits are rendered invisible. The greed of
the war makers, along with the corruption and dishonesty of the political,
judicial, academic and media courtiers who serve empire, is blocked from
public view. The image of empire is scripted like a Walt Disney movie. This
mythical narrative is disseminated in films, on television, by the press, in
churches, in universities and by the state. It is a lie. But it is a lie
that works. And it works because it is what we want. It appeals to our
fantasies about ourselves: that we are a virtuous people, that God has
blessed us above others, that we have the highest form of civilization, that
we have been anointed to police the world and make it safe, that we are the
most powerful and righteous nation on earth, that we are always assured of
victory, that we have a right to kill in the name of nationalist
valuesvalues determined by our naked self-interest and that we conveniently
define as universal.
Noam Chomsky, more than perhaps any other American intellectual, has laid
bare the latent forces of totalitarianism in our midst and warned us against
the contagion of empire. He says:
Those with deep totalitarian commitments identify the state with the
society, its people, and its culture. Therefore those who criticized the
policies of the Kremlin under Stalin were condemned as anti-Soviet or
hating Russia. For their counterparts in the West, those who criticize the
policies of the U.S. government are anti-American and hate America;
those are the standard terms used by intellectual opinion, including
left-liberal segments, so deeply committed to their totalitarian instincts
that they cannot even recognize them, let alone understand their disgraceful
history, tracing to the origins of recorded history in interesting ways. For
the totalitarian, patriotism means support for the state and its policies,
perhaps with twitters of protest on grounds that they might fail or cost us
too much. For those whose instincts are democratic rather than totalitarian,
patriotism means commitment to the welfare and improvement of the society,
its people, its culture. Thats a natural sentiment and one that can be
quite positive. Its one all serious activists share, I presume; otherwise
why take the trouble to do what we do? But the kind of patriotism fostered
by totalitarian societies and military dictatorships, and internalized as
second nature by much of intellectual opinion in more free societies, is one
of the worst maladies of human history, and will probably do us all in
before too long.
There can be no rational debate about empire with many desperate Americans
who have ingested this as their creed. The distortion of neoliberalism has
left them little else. Here lies the virus of fascism, wrapped in the
American flag, held aloft by the Christian cross and buttressed by white
supremacy. It is a potent and dangerous force within the body politic. And
it is growing. The real enemy is within.
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