The Living Dead in Palestine and the Failure of International Humanitarian
Intervention
Sunday, 08 November 2015 00:00 By Jamil Khader, Truthout | News Analysis
Relatives carry the body of Rahaf, 2, who was killed along with her
father's wife in an Israeli airstrike in the Gaza Strip, during their
funeral ceremony in the Gaza Strip, October 11, 2015. (Photo: Wissam Nassar
/ The New York Times)
Nothing sums up the "Israeli-Palestinian conflict," according to a recent
NBC News report, more than the video of the Palestinian teen Ahmad Manasrah,
who was left to bleed in pain and distress on camera for the whole world to
watch. Ahmad was run over by a Jewish settler's car in retaliation for
allegedly attacking two Israelis with his cousin Hassan, who was gunned down
by the police.
In the video that went viral on social media, a bunch of Israeli vigilantes,
mobs and bystanders recorded themselves hurling a barrage of obscene
invectives and expletives on the squirming, bleeding Palestinian teen Ahmad.
Prior to this, the young boy was run over by an Israeli settler's vehicle,
with some saying it was a military vehicle. One of the vigilantes is heard
urging a police officer to "do him a favor and give him a bullet in the
head," a fact that was omitted from NBC's report. The video also shows a
police officer stomping over the boy and pushing him down on the ground to
continue writhing in his agony, while paramedics denied him medical care.
While the NBC report is wrong about calling the brutal war Israel is waging
against the Palestinians merely a "conflict," it is correct about
identifying the phenomenon documented in the video as a major troubling
symptom of the genocidal trajectory of the Israeli occupation and the
spreading fascist ideology in Israel. However, whatever is correct in the
NBC News report is correct for the wrong reasons.
Fortunately, Ahmad did not perish in the attempt to kill him. However, the
time that he was left to endure and suffer in expectation of his ultimate
death demonstrates that the dehumanization of the Palestinians is taking on
a specific form at this stage in the Palestinian struggle for freedom
against the Israeli colonial occupation and its apartheid politics. The
issue here is not only the extrajudicial executions captured in these
images, but more importantly, the deferral of Palestinian death and the
suspension of the victims' lives between two deaths, one biological and the
other symbolic.
What It Means to Be Undead
In recent weeks, an increasing number of videos and images representing
summary or extrajudicial executions and other forms of violence against
Palestinian teens by trigger-happy Israeli state agents, settlers,
vigilantes, mobs and bystanders have gone viral on social media. The victims
include, among others, Hadeel al-Hashlamoun, Farah Bakir, Shurouq Dwayyat
and Ahmad Manasrah.
These videos and images show that the teens were usually "neutralized,"
often shot at point blank range or in direct contact, left to bleed for some
time, hanging there not only between life and death, but between two deaths.
As they lay there, soaked in their blood, motionless or squirming in an
attempt to get up, the shooters can be seen or have been reported to be seen
either roaming around and taunting the victim, stomping or pinning them
down, encircling them with their guns pointed at them or chasing them and
repeatedly shooting them.
THE ISSUE HERE IS THE DEFERRAL OF PALESTINIAN DEATH AND THE SUSPENSION OF
THE VICTIMS' LIVES BETWEEN TWO DEATHS, ONE BIOLOGICAL AND THE OTHER
SYMBOLIC.
In these cases, Palestinians have come to occupy the metaphoric position of
the undead, or the "living dead." This position applies not in relation to
the semiotics of the mindless flesh-eating zombies of popular culture, but
in the precise sense of being literally suspended in an indeterminate
necropolitical zone between a biological death and a symbolic death.
Undead Palestinians, who are left to bleed to death, first go through a
biological death. In this initial stage, the death can be attributed to a
proximate cause of death that results from the immediate attacks. However,
their ultimate and eventful death is deferred, by prolonging the agony of
the dying individual and denying them their basic human rights under
international law, setting the stage for them to be repeatedly killed,
before they could be completely dispatched with impunity. The interval
between the two deaths is a threshold of mortality from which there is no
turning back for these victims.
These undead Palestinians are also forced to undergo a "second death." As
Slavoj Žižek puts it in the context of the cinematic "living dead," they are
excluded from their symbolic substance and reduced to the mortifying
dimension of the signifier of unnatural monstrosity (read: "terrorism") in
the hegemonic neoliberal system of symbolic representations. Consequently,
these undead Palestinians retain all the trappings of their former human
existence, but at the same time they are deprived of their human substance.
In other words, Palestinians may look like "us," but to paraphrase some
common titles of books on the undead, they are not us. To this extent, their
dehumanization is usually accompanied by denying them proper funeral rites,
as their bodies are abandoned to the sovereign power of the state.
The Story of Hadeel Hashlamoun
The deferral of Palestinian death and the necropolitical management of
Palestinian subjects between two deaths is clearly evident in the tragic
story of Hadeel Hashlamoun. An 18-year-old resident of Hebron who was
wearing her niqab (full-face and body cover), Hadeel was shot by heavily
armored Israeli soldiers stationed at Checkpoint 56 to protect two illegal
settlements in Hebron, killing her deliberately and unlawfully without her
posing an imminent threat to the soldiers' lives.
According to an Amnesty International report, one of the soldiers shot at
her at first from a half meter distance, which made her walk away and duck
behind metal rail. According to Amnesty's witness, "The soldier who had shot
first got up and moved closer to her, until he was about a metre away, and
then shot at her upper body four or five times again while she was lying
motionless on the ground.. The first witness also described the soldier
moving closer to al-Hashlamoun and shooting her in the chest."
"MEDIA REPORTS SAY THAT ISRAELI FORCES DENIED PALESTINIAN MEDICS ACCESS TO
HASHLAMOUN AND DID NOT PUT HER INTO AN AMBULANCE FOR 30 OR 40 MINUTES AFTER
THEY HAD SHOT HER."
The horror, however, did not stop there. According to another witness who
remained at the scene for about 20 minutes after the shooting, Hadeel was
denied medical care. This witness adds that "five minutes after she was
shot, Israeli soldiers roughly pulled al-Hashlamoun by her feet onto a piece
of ground out of sight of the other side of the checkpoint and checked her
pulse, but then did not attempt to provide any medical help."
Amnesty also mentions that, "Media reports say that Israeli forces denied
Palestinian medics access to Hashlamoun and did not put her into an
ambulance for 30 or 40 minutes after they had shot her." Hadeel later died
at Sha'are Tzedek Medical Center in Jerusalem, as stated in the medical
report, from "severe bleeding and multiple organ failure as a result of
multiple gunshot wounds in the right knee, left heel, and several bullet
wounds in the abdomen and chest."
Amnesty is unequivocal about the fact that Hadeel was shot multiple times
"as she lay wounded on the ground," prompting the organization to call this
unlawful and deliberate killing an extrajudicial execution. The videos and
images that surfaced of Hadeel's death, just like the others, do not only
testify to the brutal extrajudicial executions of Palestinian teens, but
also bear witness to the voyeuristic deferral of the death of the
Palestinian on camera as a spectacle of colonial power and sovereignty over
two deaths.
This obscene form of violence is best described by a term invented by
Francois Debrix and Alexander Barder: "agonal sovereignty," in which
attention is redirected from the distinction between life and death to the
horrific violence that is inflicted upon the dead body.
Agonal sovereignty overrides questions of life and death altogether and
unsettles the distinction between them that lies at the heart of biopolitics
- a mode of governance concerned with the preservation of certain forms of
valuable or mournable lives, and conversely and simultaneously with the
determination of worthless and unmournable subhuman non-lives.
Indeed, the limits of biopolitics here can be seen in the recent statement
of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), which in its
typical inscription of "false symmetry" in the description of the
Palestinian struggle against Israeli colonial occupation, affirms its
condemnation of "all types of violence" as well as "the responsibility of
the Israeli State, occupying power, to preserve the life of all of its
citizens, Palestinians and Israelis alike."
This new form of obscene agonal violence is clearly a step further from what
Honaida Ghanem calls "thanatopolitics" in the administration of life and
death in the occupied Palestinian territories. Drawing on Giorgio Agamben's
work, Ghanem maintains that the biopolitical power of the Israeli colonial
occupation over Palestinian life and death is "about managing them as
biological subjects through localizing them in the liminal zone between life
and death, between dieting and starvation - not really dying but being one
step before that." Quoting Agamben, she notes that under the Israeli
colonial occupation, "a decision on life becomes a decision on death" and
"biopolitics can turn into Thanatopolitics" (the politics organizing who
should live and who should die).
PALESTINIAN SCHOLAR HANAN ASHRAWI ARGUES THAT THE ISRAELI GOVERNMENT IS
"DELIBERATELY CREATING A SITUATION OF VIOLENCE AND INSTABILITY."
Ghanem identifies thanatapolitics with the image of Palestinian pregnant
women and the elderly, left to die nonchalantly at checkpoints, denied any
medical assistance or access to receive medical help beyond the checkpoint.
She links this strategy to the Israeli control of the caloric intake of
Palestinians in Gaza, which leaves Palestinians in a situation between life
and death. As Dov Weisglass, an adviser to former Israeli Prime Minister
Ehud Olmert, said, "The idea is to put the Palestinians on a diet, but not
to make them die of hunger."
However, thanatopolitics presumes a state of exception that emerges out of
Israel's apartheid politics in the occupied Palestinian territories,
limiting its temporal frame to the relatively recent construction of the
separation wall. Shifting the attention to agonal sovereignty makes it
possible to understand how the Palestinians have been turned into a
disposable surplus subhumanity as a result of the long history of Israel's
colonial project.
The Undead Are Seen as Unworthy of Humanitarian Intervention
This understanding of the Palestinians as undead within the new agonal
economy of horror and violence has serious political ramifications in
international relations. As the structural violence of the occupation
mutates into the wanton killing of Palestinian civilians in response to the
recent popular and spontaneous riots and clashes, what has been referred to
as the Third or Fourteenth Intifada, this re-presentation of Palestinians as
undead makes it possible to understand the reluctance and unwillingness of
the international community to step in to provide the necessary protections
for Palestinians guaranteed under international law.
In her statement on the escalation of violence in the occupied territories
at the outset of these recent events, Palestinian scholar Hanan Ashrawi
argues that the Israeli government is "deliberately creating a situation of
violence and instability" and "the conditions for a new 'Defensive Shield'
operation similar to that of 2002 in which the Israeli Army carried out the
senseless destruction of Palestinian lives, infrastructure and
institutions." She notes the similarity in the steps taken by the Israeli
government in both contexts, including collective punishment, curfews on
East Jerusalem, and the erection of more fly checkpoints around the occupied
territories.
THE TROPE OF THE UNDEAD PALESTINIAN SERVES TO EXPLAIN THE PARADOX OF
VICTIMIZATION THAT LIES AT THE HEART OF THE INCONSISTENT RESPONSE OF THE
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO THE HUMANITARIAN CRISIS IN PALESTINE.
She thus urges the "international community to undertake its responsibility
and to engage positively to put an end to this lethal situation," adding
that, "Palestine has already asked for international protection in
accordance with several legal and precedential options available to the
United Nations." More recently, Mr. Riyad Mansour, Palestinian Ambassador to
the UN, has called on the UN Security Council to adopt a
resolutionguaranteeing the safety and protection of Palestinians and Islamic
holy sites in Jerusalem. The Israeli government obviously objects to any
international presence on the Temple Mount under the excuse that "such a
presence would be a change in the status quo."
Neither these calls nor the recent violence have garnered sufficient global
support for such international protection, let alone the deployment of
international observers to the holy sites in Jerusalem. Writing for The
Nation, nonetheless, Diana Buttu and Nadia Hijabmaintain that it is time to
think of a new framework for international protection in Palestine that
"places civilians and their rights at the fore," because "an international
protection force will ensure that lives are placed above politics."
There are two main problems with this formulation. First, as Žižek states in
his critique of the dominant neoliberal human rights regime, humanitarian
interventions can only provide an alibi to "an ideology of military
interventionism serving specific economico-political ends." In other words,
there is no disinterested humanitarian gesture as such that can extend
protection to the defenseless and oppressed; humanitarian interventions are
always motivated by political calculations and interests.
More importantly, Žižek claims that a more serious problem in this
neoliberal discourse is positing a political struggle in non-political terms
or in a depoliticized language that raises the struggle above politics. He
thus writes in the context of NATO's humanitarian interventions, "What is
problematic for me is precisely the purely humanitarian ethic legitimization
which depoliticizes the intervention, changing it into an intervention into
a humanitarian catastrophe grounded in purely moral reasons, not an
intervention into a well-defined political struggle."
Second, Žižek also argues that humanitarian interventionism presupposes an
ideology of absolute victimization, a subject that is utterly reduced to
existential nothingness and incapable of defending itself. He thus claims
that, "The other to be protected is good insofar as it remains a victim,"
adding that the moment the victim "no longer behaved as a victim but wanted
to strike back on its own, it all of a sudden magically turned into a
terrorist fundamentalist drug-trafficking other." Such ideology does not
tolerate any attempt on the part of the helpless victims to reclaim the
status of a "sovereign and independent political subject." Hence, for him,
humanitarian interventionism itself is perverse, because "it is itself
(co)responsible for the calamity against which it offers itself as a
remedy."
THE PALESTINIAN EXPERIENCE CAN OFFER AN ALTERNATIVE VISION OF RADICAL
UNIVERSALITY FROM WHICH TO REIMAGINE GENUINELY EMANCIPATORY AND EGALITARIAN
POLITICS TODAY.
The trope of the undead Palestinian serves to explain this paradox of
victimization that lies at the heart of the inconsistent response of the
international community to the humanitarian crisis in Palestine. On the one
hand, Palestinians are reduced to a desubjectivized position of disposable
surplus subhumanity - individuals reduced to bare life who may be killed
with impunity.
On the other, they are also seen as monsters who, in their unwillingness to
die, and in their compulsive return from the dead to haunt their oppressors,
exceed the limits of intelligibility within the ideological coordinates of
the cosmopolitan human rights regime. As long as they persist in their
resistance and as long as they continue to mobilize in the struggle for
their legitimate rights - in a word, as long as they are invested with a
sense of freedom - Palestinians will be viewed as undeserving of any
humanitarian intervention that can put an end to Israel's indiscriminate
attacks on Palestinian civilians.
References to the "living dead," "walking dead," and the "undead" have
become ubiquitous in global capitalist culture. This comes as no surprise in
the global capitalist economy today, which thrives on "zombie debt," a
spiraling and toxic debt that, as Fred Botting says, "will not die, that
cannot be repaid," but that will continue producing "debt-bound automatons."
Therefore, it is important not only to interrogate the conditions that make
such metaphors and tropes possible, but more urgently, to examine their
ethico-political implications and their language of possibilities.
At one level, the undead are simply symptoms of political struggle. If for
every repression, there is a return of the repressed, the undead will not
disappear until the causes that brought them to life come to an end. Get rid
of the source of the dis-ease, and the symptom disappears. But we can take
this even a step further and point, in a Hegelian dialectical fashion, to a
different radical trajectory inherent to the undead.
Precisely because Palestinians have been reduced to this undead position in
the global capitalist system, Palestinians can be said to represent the
truth of the system, its constitutive injustice and inequality. In their
inherent exclusion and abjection, therefore, Palestinian can be considered,
in Žižek's words, the "very site of political universality." In other words,
the Palestinian experience can offer an alternative vision of radical
universality from which to reimagine genuinely emancipatory and egalitarian
politics today. And here begins the hard work of solidarity and struggle.
Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission of the author.
JAMIL KHADER
Dr. Jamil Khader is Dean of Research and Professor of English at Bethlehem
University, Palestine. His numerous articles on postcolonial women writers,
fantastic literature and cosmopolitanism have appeared in various national
and international journals. He is also the author of Cartographies of
Transnationalism in Postcolonial Feminisms: Geography, Culture, Identity,
Politics (Lexington Books 2012) and is the coeditor, with Molly Rothenberg,
of a collection of essays on the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek,
entitled, Žižek Now: Current Perspectives in Žižek Studies (Polity 2013).
His political commentary has been featured on The Palestine Chronicle,
Center for the Secular Research and Studies in the Arab World (Al-Hewar
Al-Mutamaden), PPSArabia, News with Conscience, Aljazeera in English,
Jadaliyya, and other venues. He is currently working on a book manuscript on
the philosophical significance of the struggle for liberation in Palestine
for radical and revolutionary internationalist politics.
RELATED STORIES
Palestine: The Pulse of Third World Revolt
By Bryan Van Hulst, Truthout | Op-Ed
Israeli Law to Force-Feed Prisoners Labeled "Torture" by Doctors
By Joel Greenberg, McClatchy DC | Report
Israel-Palestine: As Stabbings, Shootings Kill Dozens, Endless Occupation
Fuels Resistance
By Amy Goodman, Democracy Now! | Video Interview
________________________________________
Show Comments
Hide Comments
<a href="http://truthout.disqus.com/?url=ref";>View the discussion
thread.</a>
Error! Hyperlink reference not valid.
The Living Dead in Palestine and the Failure of International Humanitarian
Intervention
Sunday, 08 November 2015 00:00 By Jamil Khader, Truthout | News Analysis
. font size Error! Hyperlink reference not valid. Error! Hyperlink
reference not valid.Error! Hyperlink reference not valid. Error! Hyperlink
reference not valid.
. Relatives carry the body of Rahaf, 2, who was killed along with her
father's wife in an Israeli airstrike in the Gaza Strip, during their
funeral ceremony in the Gaza Strip, October 11, 2015. (Photo: Wissam Nassar
/ The New York Times)
. Nothing sums up the "Israeli-Palestinian conflict," according to a
recent NBC News report, more than the video of the Palestinian teen Ahmad
Manasrah, who was left to bleed in pain and distress on camera for the whole
world to watch. Ahmad was run over by a Jewish settler's car in retaliation
for allegedly attacking two Israelis with his cousin Hassan, who was gunned
down by the police.
In the video that went viral on social media, a bunch of Israeli vigilantes,
mobs and bystanders recorded themselves hurling a barrage of obscene
invectives and expletives on the squirming, bleeding Palestinian teen Ahmad.
Prior to this, the young boy was run over by an Israeli settler's vehicle,
with some saying it was a military vehicle. One of the vigilantes is heard
urging a police officer to "do him a favor and give him a bullet in the
head," a fact that was omitted from NBC's report. The video also shows a
police officer stomping over the boy and pushing him down on the ground to
continue writhing in his agony, while paramedics denied him medical care.
While the NBC report is wrong about calling the brutal war Israel is waging
against the Palestinians merely a "conflict," it is correct about
identifying the phenomenon documented in the video as a major troubling
symptom of the genocidal trajectory of the Israeli occupation and the
spreading fascist ideology in Israel. However, whatever is correct in the
NBC News report is correct for the wrong reasons.
Fortunately, Ahmad did not perish in the attempt to kill him. However, the
time that he was left to endure and suffer in expectation of his ultimate
death demonstrates that the dehumanization of the Palestinians is taking on
a specific form at this stage in the Palestinian struggle for freedom
against the Israeli colonial occupation and its apartheid politics. The
issue here is not only the extrajudicial executions captured in these
images, but more importantly, the deferral of Palestinian death and the
suspension of the victims' lives between two deaths, one biological and the
other symbolic.
What It Means to Be Undead
In recent weeks, an increasing number of videos and images representing
summary or extrajudicial executions and other forms of violence against
Palestinian teens by trigger-happy Israeli state agents, settlers,
vigilantes, mobs and bystanders have gone viral on social media. The victims
include, among others, Hadeel al-Hashlamoun, Farah Bakir, Shurouq Dwayyat
and Ahmad Manasrah.
These videos and images show that the teens were usually "neutralized,"
often shot at point blank range or in direct contact, left to bleed for some
time, hanging there not only between life and death, but between two deaths.
As they lay there, soaked in their blood, motionless or squirming in an
attempt to get up, the shooters can be seen or have been reported to be seen
either roaming around and taunting the victim, stomping or pinning them
down, encircling them with their guns pointed at them or chasing them and
repeatedly shooting them.
The issue here is the deferral of Palestinian death and the suspension of
the victims' lives between two deaths, one biological and the other
symbolic.
In these cases, Palestinians have come to occupy the metaphoric position of
the undead, or the "living dead." This position applies not in relation to
the semiotics of the mindless flesh-eating zombies of popular culture, but
in the precise sense of being literally suspended in an indeterminate
necropolitical zone between a biological death and a symbolic death.
Undead Palestinians, who are left to bleed to death, first go through a
biological death. In this initial stage, the death can be attributed to a
proximate cause of death that results from the immediate attacks. However,
their ultimate and eventful death is deferred, by prolonging the agony of
the dying individual and denying them their basic human rights under
international law, setting the stage for them to be repeatedly killed,
before they could be completely dispatched with impunity. The interval
between the two deaths is a threshold of mortality from which there is no
turning back for these victims.
These undead Palestinians are also forced to undergo a "second death." As
Slavoj Žižek puts it in the context of the cinematic "living dead," they are
excluded from their symbolic substance and reduced to the mortifying
dimension of the signifier of unnatural monstrosity (read: "terrorism") in
the hegemonic neoliberal system of symbolic representations. Consequently,
these undead Palestinians retain all the trappings of their former human
existence, but at the same time they are deprived of their human substance.
In other words, Palestinians may look like "us," but to paraphrase some
common titles of books on the undead, they are not us. To this extent, their
dehumanization is usually accompanied by denying them proper funeral rites,
as their bodies are abandoned to the sovereign power of the state.
The Story of Hadeel Hashlamoun
The deferral of Palestinian death and the necropolitical management of
Palestinian subjects between two deaths is clearly evident in the tragic
story of Hadeel Hashlamoun. An 18-year-old resident of Hebron who was
wearing her niqab (full-face and body cover), Hadeel was shot by heavily
armored Israeli soldiers stationed at Checkpoint 56 to protect two illegal
settlements in Hebron, killing her deliberately and unlawfully without her
posing an imminent threat to the soldiers' lives.
According to an Amnesty International report, one of the soldiers shot at
her at first from a half meter distance, which made her walk away and duck
behind metal rail. According to Amnesty's witness, "The soldier who had shot
first got up and moved closer to her, until he was about a metre away, and
then shot at her upper body four or five times again while she was lying
motionless on the ground.. The first witness also described the soldier
moving closer to al-Hashlamoun and shooting her in the chest."
"Media reports say that Israeli forces denied Palestinian medics access to
Hashlamoun and did not put her into an ambulance for 30 or 40 minutes after
they had shot her."
The horror, however, did not stop there. According to another witness who
remained at the scene for about 20 minutes after the shooting, Hadeel was
denied medical care. This witness adds that "five minutes after she was
shot, Israeli soldiers roughly pulled al-Hashlamoun by her feet onto a piece
of ground out of sight of the other side of the checkpoint and checked her
pulse, but then did not attempt to provide any medical help."
Amnesty also mentions that, "Media reports say that Israeli forces denied
Palestinian medics access to Hashlamoun and did not put her into an
ambulance for 30 or 40 minutes after they had shot her." Hadeel later died
at Sha'are Tzedek Medical Center in Jerusalem, as stated in the medical
report, from "severe bleeding and multiple organ failure as a result of
multiple gunshot wounds in the right knee, left heel, and several bullet
wounds in the abdomen and chest."
Amnesty is unequivocal about the fact that Hadeel was shot multiple times
"as she lay wounded on the ground," prompting the organization to call this
unlawful and deliberate killing an extrajudicial execution. The videos and
images that surfaced of Hadeel's death, just like the others, do not only
testify to the brutal extrajudicial executions of Palestinian teens, but
also bear witness to the voyeuristic deferral of the death of the
Palestinian on camera as a spectacle of colonial power and sovereignty over
two deaths.
This obscene form of violence is best described by a term invented by
Francois Debrix and Alexander Barder: "agonal sovereignty," in which
attention is redirected from the distinction between life and death to the
horrific violence that is inflicted upon the dead body.
Agonal sovereignty overrides questions of life and death altogether and
unsettles the distinction between them that lies at the heart of biopolitics
- a mode of governance concerned with the preservation of certain forms of
valuable or mournable lives, and conversely and simultaneously with the
determination of worthless and unmournable subhuman non-lives.
Indeed, the limits of biopolitics here can be seen in the recent statement
of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), which in its
typical inscription of "false symmetry" in the description of the
Palestinian struggle against Israeli colonial occupation, affirms its
condemnation of "all types of violence" as well as "the responsibility of
the Israeli State, occupying power, to preserve the life of all of its
citizens, Palestinians and Israelis alike."
This new form of obscene agonal violence is clearly a step further from what
Honaida Ghanem calls "thanatopolitics" in the administration of life and
death in the occupied Palestinian territories. Drawing on Giorgio Agamben's
work, Ghanem maintains that the biopolitical power of the Israeli colonial
occupation over Palestinian life and death is "about managing them as
biological subjects through localizing them in the liminal zone between life
and death, between dieting and starvation - not really dying but being one
step before that." Quoting Agamben, she notes that under the Israeli
colonial occupation, "a decision on life becomes a decision on death" and
"biopolitics can turn into Thanatopolitics" (the politics organizing who
should live and who should die).
Palestinian scholar Hanan Ashrawi argues that the Israeli government is
"deliberately creating a situation of violence and instability."
Ghanem identifies thanatapolitics with the image of Palestinian pregnant
women and the elderly, left to die nonchalantly at checkpoints, denied any
medical assistance or access to receive medical help beyond the checkpoint.
She links this strategy to the Israeli control of the caloric intake of
Palestinians in Gaza, which leaves Palestinians in a situation between life
and death. As Dov Weisglass, an adviser to former Israeli Prime Minister
Ehud Olmert, said, "The idea is to put the Palestinians on a diet, but not
to make them die of hunger."
However, thanatopolitics presumes a state of exception that emerges out of
Israel's apartheid politics in the occupied Palestinian territories,
limiting its temporal frame to the relatively recent construction of the
separation wall. Shifting the attention to agonal sovereignty makes it
possible to understand how the Palestinians have been turned into a
disposable surplus subhumanity as a result of the long history of Israel's
colonial project.
The Undead Are Seen as Unworthy of Humanitarian Intervention
This understanding of the Palestinians as undead within the new agonal
economy of horror and violence has serious political ramifications in
international relations. As the structural violence of the occupation
mutates into the wanton killing of Palestinian civilians in response to the
recent popular and spontaneous riots and clashes, what has been referred to
as the Third or Fourteenth Intifada, this re-presentation of Palestinians as
undead makes it possible to understand the reluctance and unwillingness of
the international community to step in to provide the necessary protections
for Palestinians guaranteed under international law.
In her statement on the escalation of violence in the occupied territories
at the outset of these recent events, Palestinian scholar Hanan Ashrawi
argues that the Israeli government is "deliberately creating a situation of
violence and instability" and "the conditions for a new 'Defensive Shield'
operation similar to that of 2002 in which the Israeli Army carried out the
senseless destruction of Palestinian lives, infrastructure and
institutions." She notes the similarity in the steps taken by the Israeli
government in both contexts, including collective punishment, curfews on
East Jerusalem, and the erection of more fly checkpoints around the occupied
territories.
The trope of the undead Palestinian serves to explain the paradox of
victimization that lies at the heart of the inconsistent response of the
international community to the humanitarian crisis in Palestine.
She thus urges the "international community to undertake its responsibility
and to engage positively to put an end to this lethal situation," adding
that, "Palestine has already asked for international protection in
accordance with several legal and precedential options available to the
United Nations." More recently, Mr. Riyad Mansour, Palestinian Ambassador to
the UN, has called on the UN Security Council to adopt a
resolutionguaranteeing the safety and protection of Palestinians and Islamic
holy sites in Jerusalem. The Israeli government obviously objects to any
international presence on the Temple Mount under the excuse that "such a
presence would be a change in the status quo."
Neither these calls nor the recent violence have garnered sufficient global
support for such international protection, let alone the deployment of
international observers to the holy sites in Jerusalem. Writing for The
Nation, nonetheless, Diana Buttu and Nadia Hijabmaintain that it is time to
think of a new framework for international protection in Palestine that
"places civilians and their rights at the fore," because "an international
protection force will ensure that lives are placed above politics."
There are two main problems with this formulation. First, as Žižek states in
his critique of the dominant neoliberal human rights regime, humanitarian
interventions can only provide an alibi to "an ideology of military
interventionism serving specific economico-political ends." In other words,
there is no disinterested humanitarian gesture as such that can extend
protection to the defenseless and oppressed; humanitarian interventions are
always motivated by political calculations and interests.
More importantly, Žižek claims that a more serious problem in this
neoliberal discourse is positing a political struggle in non-political terms
or in a depoliticized language that raises the struggle above politics. He
thus writes in the context of NATO's humanitarian interventions, "What is
problematic for me is precisely the purely humanitarian ethic legitimization
which depoliticizes the intervention, changing it into an intervention into
a humanitarian catastrophe grounded in purely moral reasons, not an
intervention into a well-defined political struggle."
Second, Žižek also argues that humanitarian interventionism presupposes an
ideology of absolute victimization, a subject that is utterly reduced to
existential nothingness and incapable of defending itself. He thus claims
that, "The other to be protected is good insofar as it remains a victim,"
adding that the moment the victim "no longer behaved as a victim but wanted
to strike back on its own, it all of a sudden magically turned into a
terrorist fundamentalist drug-trafficking other." Such ideology does not
tolerate any attempt on the part of the helpless victims to reclaim the
status of a "sovereign and independent political subject." Hence, for him,
humanitarian interventionism itself is perverse, because "it is itself
(co)responsible for the calamity against which it offers itself as a
remedy."
The Palestinian experience can offer an alternative vision of radical
universality from which to reimagine genuinely emancipatory and egalitarian
politics today.
The trope of the undead Palestinian serves to explain this paradox of
victimization that lies at the heart of the inconsistent response of the
international community to the humanitarian crisis in Palestine. On the one
hand, Palestinians are reduced to a desubjectivized position of disposable
surplus subhumanity - individuals reduced to bare life who may be killed
with impunity.
On the other, they are also seen as monsters who, in their unwillingness to
die, and in their compulsive return from the dead to haunt their oppressors,
exceed the limits of intelligibility within the ideological coordinates of
the cosmopolitan human rights regime. As long as they persist in their
resistance and as long as they continue to mobilize in the struggle for
their legitimate rights - in a word, as long as they are invested with a
sense of freedom - Palestinians will be viewed as undeserving of any
humanitarian intervention that can put an end to Israel's indiscriminate
attacks on Palestinian civilians.
References to the "living dead," "walking dead," and the "undead" have
become ubiquitous in global capitalist culture. This comes as no surprise in
the global capitalist economy today, which thrives on "zombie debt," a
spiraling and toxic debt that, as Fred Botting says, "will not die, that
cannot be repaid," but that will continue producing "debt-bound automatons."
Therefore, it is important not only to interrogate the conditions that make
such metaphors and tropes possible, but more urgently, to examine their
ethico-political implications and their language of possibilities.
At one level, the undead are simply symptoms of political struggle. If for
every repression, there is a return of the repressed, the undead will not
disappear until the causes that brought them to life come to an end. Get rid
of the source of the dis-ease, and the symptom disappears. But we can take
this even a step further and point, in a Hegelian dialectical fashion, to a
different radical trajectory inherent to the undead.
Precisely because Palestinians have been reduced to this undead position in
the global capitalist system, Palestinians can be said to represent the
truth of the system, its constitutive injustice and inequality. In their
inherent exclusion and abjection, therefore, Palestinian can be considered,
in Žižek's words, the "very site of political universality." In other words,
the Palestinian experience can offer an alternative vision of radical
universality from which to reimagine genuinely emancipatory and egalitarian
politics today. And here begins the hard work of solidarity and struggle.
Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission of the author.
Jamil Khader
Dr. Jamil Khader is Dean of Research and Professor of English at Bethlehem
University, Palestine. His numerous articles on postcolonial women writers,
fantastic literature and cosmopolitanism have appeared in various national
and international journals. He is also the author of Cartographies of
Transnationalism in Postcolonial Feminisms: Geography, Culture, Identity,
Politics (Lexington Books 2012) and is the coeditor, with Molly Rothenberg,
of a collection of essays on the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek,
entitled, Žižek Now: Current Perspectives in Žižek Studies (Polity 2013).
His political commentary has been featured on The Palestine Chronicle,
Center for the Secular Research and Studies in the Arab World (Al-Hewar
Al-Mutamaden), PPSArabia, News with Conscience, Aljazeera in English,
Jadaliyya, and other venues. He is currently working on a book manuscript on
the philosophical significance of the struggle for liberation in Palestine
for radical and revolutionary internationalist politics.
Related Stories
Palestine: The Pulse of Third World Revolt
By Bryan Van Hulst, Truthout | Op-EdIsraeli Law to Force-Feed Prisoners
Labeled "Torture" by Doctors
By Joel Greenberg, McClatchy DC | ReportIsrael-Palestine: As Stabbings,
Shootings Kill Dozens, Endless Occupation Fuels Resistance
By Amy Goodman, Democracy Now! | Video Interview
Show Comments
