The Far-Right Bolsonaro Movement Wants Us Dead. But We Will Not Give Up
By Glenn Greenwald and David Miranda, Guardian UK
29 January 20
Demagogues rely on fear to consolidate power. But courage is contagious
thats why we must join hands and fight back
Substantial media coverage over the last year, within Brazil and
internationally, has been devoted to threats and attacks we each received,
separately and together, due to our work Davids as a congressman and
Glenns as a journalist. These incidents have been depicted, rightfully so,
as reflective of the increasingly violent and anti-democratic climate
prevailing in Brazil as a result of the far-right, authoritarian,
dictatorship-supporting movement of President Jair Bolsonaro, which
consolidated substantial power in the election held at the end of 2018.
There was much discussion when David entered congress in early 2019 after
the only other openly LGBTQ+ congress member, Jean Wyllys, fled his seat and
the country in fear of his life. As a longtime LGBTQ+ celebrity and sole
LGBTQ+ member of congress, Wyllys had endured constant death threats and
even bullying from fellow members of congress. His multiple fights with
Bolsonaro and his sons made him a particular object of contempt by that
movement. That they now occupied full-scale power made his remaining in
Brazil untenable.
That Wyllys was replaced by another LGBTQ+ congress member provoked a
contentious exchange between David and Bolsonaro that went viral on Twitter.
Davids substantially increased visibility as the new LGBTQ+ member of
congress provoked countless and highly detailed death threats from the
Bolsonaro movement toward our family. That David, in 2016, had become the
first-ever elected LGBTQ+ member of the Rio city council already had made
him a target of much animus in a city dominated by paramilitary gangs and
rightwing evangelical groups.
But his new status as the only openly LGBTQ+ member of the lower house of
the federal congress made him a prime target of the vitriolic anti-LGBTQ+
Bolsonaro movement. That primal animus was enhanced by the fact that our
public 15-year marriage and our two children serve as a living refutation of
the false and toxic depiction of LGBTQ+ life as barren, unhappy, sickly and
solitary, an anti-LGBTQ+ demonization campaign that is central to the
Bolsonaro movements political identity.
A massive new wave of media coverage about our family was triggered when
Glenn and the Intercept began their series of explosive exposés last June
about rampant corruption at the highest levels of the Bolsonaro government,
provoking a wave of violent threats, official acts of reprisal and a
powerful fake news machine erected by the Bolsonaro movement against their
enemies. All of those seemingly endless multipronged attacks culminated last
week in criminal charges brought against Glenn by a far-right prosecutor
that have been widely condemned domestically and internationally as legally
frivolous and a blatant assault on a free press.
But the sense of danger and political violence in our lives, and for many
others in Brazil, began almost two years ago. On 14 March 2018, Marielle
Franco the LGBTQ+, black, favela-raised city councilwoman from Rio de
Janeiro was gunned down while riding in her car on the streets of Rio at
roughly 9pm in a brutal political assassination. Franco was one of our
familys best friends as well as a rising political star, a vessel of hope
to so many people marginalized for decades and who had no voice. The loss
was a major trauma, still unhealed, for both the country and for our lives.
Franco was a member of Davids party, the leftwing Socialism and Liberty
party (PSOL). David also black, LGBTQ+ and raised in a violent favela as
an orphan was as unlikely as Franco to occupy political power in a country
long plagued by severe inequality, racial inequities and discrimination of
all types. Because they shared the same causes of combating lethal police
violence and inequality, they sat next to one another in the city council
chamber. Her politically motivated murder at the age of 37 brought political
violence into our lives as a lurking, terrorizing reality which has only
intensified since then.
The end of that year saw the election of Bolsonaro as president despite his
decades-long advocacy of a return to the US/UK-supported military
dictatorship. That regime brutally ruled the country with torture and murder
until 1985, torturing and killing dissidents, journalists and anyone who
opposed them. Along with his long-taboo praise for the dictatorship (except
when he criticized it for being insufficiently violent and repressive),
Bolsonaro, though relegated to the fringes of political life as a
congressman for 30 years, gained media attention through a slew of
shockingly bigoted comments against the nations racial minorities, its
indigenous population in the Amazon and especially against LGBTQ+ people.
But in the 2018 election, it was not only Bolsonaro but also his far-right
Social Liberal party (PSL), which barely existed the year before, that
enjoyed a stunning rise to power. Virtually overnight, PSL, filled with
previously obscure and fanatically anti-democratic figures, became the
second most represented party in congress, just a few seats behind the
center-left Workers party that had governed the country since 2002. Among
its elected members were two police candidates who, days before the
election, had destroyed a street sign erected in homage to Franco with their
fists raised in the air.
Just weeks after Bolsonaros election, a terrifying scandal was revealed in
which Bolsonaros eldest son, Flávio, who had been elected to the federal
senate in the 2018 election, was found to have employed in his cabinet as a
state representative for a full decade both the wife and mother of the chief
of Rios most violent and feared paramilitary gang. Composed largely of
police and military officers, the militia specialized in abusing their law
enforcement expertise to carry out highly skilled pay-for-hire
assassinations, including police believed the assassination of Franco.
A police operation carried out as part of the investigation into Francos
murder succeeded in apprehending five of the top six militia leaders, but
the sixth, who fled and is now a fugitive, was the top leader the one
whose wife and mother were disturbingly employed for 10 years by Bolsonaros
son. This shocking link of the now all-powerful Bolsonaro family to the most
terrifying paramilitary gang of Rio has since been strengthened by newly
discovered connections, including photos of Bolsonaro with both of the
killers, that one of the ex-police officers arrested for having pulled the
trigger that killed Franco was a neighbor of Bolsonaros in his gated
community, while the other police officer, who was the driver of the car,
has a daughter who dated Bolsonaros youngest son.
In early 2019, Davids replacement of Wyllys in congress became a
much-publicized and dramatic story in a country where anti-LGBTQ+ animus had
become a major force in Brazils political life and where very few LGBTQ+
candidates ever occupy high office. The acrimonious Twitter exchange between
Bolsonaro and David instantly converted David into a new prime enemy of that
movement.
That Glenn had co-founded a growing and increasingly vocal Brazilian bureau
of the Intercept in 2016 that was highly critical of the Bolsonaro campaign
and then his presidency made us both visible adversaries of this newly
empowered far-right movement. That we are a gay, interracial couple in a
country governed by a virulently anti-LGBTQ+ movement made each of us
separately, but especially together, a particularly reviled yet visible
target of their wrath. In sum, the bulk of the hatred devoted to Wyllys
quickly transferred to David, to our marriage and to our family. As a New
York Times article in July put it: The two men find themselves on the front
lines of the countrys increasingly bitter political divide.
Since entering congress a little more than a year ago, David has not left
the house without armed security and an armored vehicle of the kind that
would have stopped the 11 bullets pumped into Francos car. We significantly
escalated security measures at our home, and our two newly adopted sons had
to be driven back and forth to school by security agents.
All of that was the context for the reporting Glenn and his Intercept
colleagues began on 9 June 2019, and which has continued through to this
day. It is hard to overstate the political impact of this journalism. As the
Guardian reported last July, the reports have had an explosive impact on
Brazilian politics and dominated headlines for weeks.
The last nine months of our lives, since the beginning of those reports,
have been filled with attacks of every kind. We have received detailed death
threats containing personal, non-public data available only to the state.
Many have been directed at our two sons, sometimes with gruesome detail. A
month after our reporting began, a news site notorious for being a dumping
ground for leaks by Sérgio Moro announced that an agency under his command
had initiated an investigation into Glenns personal finances, one stopped
by the supreme court on the ground that it was clearly retaliatory and thus
a violation of the constitutional guarantee of a free press. We learned in
September that the same federal agency had also initiated an investigation
into Davids personal finances, one launched two days after the Intercepts
reporting began.
With this reporting, the death threats intensified to an entirely new level.
Now, in addition to David, Glenn also has not been able to leave home for
any reason without a team of armed security and an armored vehicle since
last June. The same is true of the Intercepts Brazil editor, Leandro
Demori, who has been the target of horrific threats aimed at his family. The
exterior of our house now resembles a fortified prison, and its interior is
filled with cameras and guards.
In November, Glenn appeared on a popular rightwing radio and YouTube program
alongside a pro-Bolsonaro journalist who had, a month earlier, called on a
childrens judge to investigate whether we are sufficiently taking care of
our children on the ground that David works as a congressman and Glenn
works on these exposés. When Glenn confronted him on air about having used
our children in this manner, the journalist physically assaulted him. The
more significant part of the episode occurred afterwards: many of
Bolsonaros closest allies, including his politician sons and the guru of
his movement, not only cheered the assault but said their only regret was
that the attack on Glenn was not more violent.
It is sometimes hard for citizens of centuries-old western democracies to
appreciate how much easier it is for a young democracy like Brazil to easily
slip back into full-scale tyranny, or to be violently brought back to it.
That Brazil now has a president and is dominated by a political movement
that openly seeks such a regression makes the threat all the more acute. In
politics, they crave violence and civil conflict in lieu of dialogue and
elections because they view those as the necessary conditions to justify a
return of dictatorship-era repression. That is why they rely on threats,
violence, attacks, intimidation and abuse of state power: they need civil
upheaval and institutional conflict as a pretext for the repression they
openly support.
When news broke last week that Glenn had been criminally charged, many
wondered how that could have happened given that the federal police just
weeks earlier had closed its comprehensive investigation into the hacking of
Brazilian authorities and concluded that he was involved in no wrongdoing
(to the contrary, the report emphasized that Glenn had exercised extreme
caution in carrying out his work as a journalist). That the supreme court in
July had barred any investigation into Glenn provoked the obvious question:
if the high court had barred investigation of Glenn in connection with this
journalism, how could they indict him for it?
The answer is that the Bolsonaro movement seeks to prove that they are not
limited by law or anything else. To prove that, they will defy court orders,
ignore police investigations, ride roughshod over all other institutions
just as the military dictatorship did by decree, using violence, torture and
murder of dissidents, ignoring of supreme court orders and summary removal
of congress members who even minimally opposed them. The playbook they are
using is as dark and horrifying as it is familiar and obvious.
Because Glenn is a US citizen with a valid US passport, we could leave
Brazil at any time. David and our sons would be entitled to automatic US
citizenship. But we have not done that and we never will. Brazil is the
country we love and we intend to fight this repression, not flee from it.
Brazil is an extraordinary country, unique in so many ways, and is easily
worth fighting for. We could never in good conscience exploit the privileges
we have to leave behind a country we love and the millions of people who are
not able to leave.
When you live in a country where roughly half the population endured life
under a military tyranny, you end up meeting many who risked so much to
fight against it and fight for democracy. Brazil re-democratized in 1985
only after two decades of profoundly difficult struggle, protest, organizing
and resistance. We personally know many people who were imprisoned or exiled
for years for their fight against the dictatorship. Many of their friends
and comrades were murdered by the military regime while they fought for the
cause of Brazilian democracy.
Courage is contagious. Those are the people who inspire us and so many like
us in Bolsonaros Brazil who are confronting state repression to defend the
democracy that so many people suffered so much to bring about. Demagogues
and despots like Bolsonaro are a dime a dozen. They centrally rely on
intimidation, fear and the use of state repression to consolidate power. A
refusal to give into that fear, but instead to join hands with those who
intend to fight against it, is always the antidote to this toxin.
Email This Page
JComments
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David Miranda and Glenn Greenwald in 2013. (photo: Evaristo Sa/AFP/Getty
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David Miranda and Glenn Greenwald in 2013. (photo: Evaristo Sa/AFP/Getty
Images)go to original article
The Far-Right Bolsonaro Movement Wants Us Dead. But We Will Not Give Up
By Glenn Greenwald and David Miranda, Guardian UK
29 January 20
Demagogues rely on fear to consolidate power. But courage is contagious
thats why we must join hands and fight back
ubstantial media coverage over the last year, within Brazil and
internationally, has been devoted to threats and attacks we each received,
separately and together, due to our work Davids as a congressman and
Glenns as a journalist. These incidents have been depicted, rightfully so,
as reflective of the increasingly violent and anti-democratic climate
prevailing in Brazil as a result of the far-right, authoritarian,
dictatorship-supporting movement of President Jair Bolsonaro, which
consolidated substantial power in the election held at the end of 2018.
There was much discussion when David entered congress in early 2019 after
the only other openly LGBTQ+ congress member, Jean Wyllys, fled his seat and
the country in fear of his life. As a longtime LGBTQ+ celebrity and sole
LGBTQ+ member of congress, Wyllys had endured constant death threats and
even bullying from fellow members of congress. His multiple fights with
Bolsonaro and his sons made him a particular object of contempt by that
movement. That they now occupied full-scale power made his remaining in
Brazil untenable.
That Wyllys was replaced by another LGBTQ+ congress member provoked a
contentious exchange between David and Bolsonaro that went viral on Twitter.
Davids substantially increased visibility as the new LGBTQ+ member of
congress provoked countless and highly detailed death threats from the
Bolsonaro movement toward our family. That David, in 2016, had become the
first-ever elected LGBTQ+ member of the Rio city council already had made
him a target of much animus in a city dominated by paramilitary gangs and
rightwing evangelical groups.
But his new status as the only openly LGBTQ+ member of the lower house of
the federal congress made him a prime target of the vitriolic anti-LGBTQ+
Bolsonaro movement. That primal animus was enhanced by the fact that our
public 15-year marriage and our two children serve as a living refutation of
the false and toxic depiction of LGBTQ+ life as barren, unhappy, sickly and
solitary, an anti-LGBTQ+ demonization campaign that is central to the
Bolsonaro movements political identity.
A massive new wave of media coverage about our family was triggered when
Glenn and the Intercept began their series of explosive exposés last June
about rampant corruption at the highest levels of the Bolsonaro government,
provoking a wave of violent threats, official acts of reprisal and a
powerful fake news machine erected by the Bolsonaro movement against their
enemies. All of those seemingly endless multipronged attacks culminated last
week in criminal charges brought against Glenn by a far-right prosecutor
that have been widely condemned domestically and internationally as legally
frivolous and a blatant assault on a free press.
But the sense of danger and political violence in our lives, and for many
others in Brazil, began almost two years ago. On 14 March 2018, Marielle
Franco the LGBTQ+, black, favela-raised city councilwoman from Rio de
Janeiro was gunned down while riding in her car on the streets of Rio at
roughly 9pm in a brutal political assassination. Franco was one of our
familys best friends as well as a rising political star, a vessel of hope
to so many people marginalized for decades and who had no voice. The loss
was a major trauma, still unhealed, for both the country and for our lives.
Franco was a member of Davids party, the leftwing Socialism and Liberty
party (PSOL). David also black, LGBTQ+ and raised in a violent favela as
an orphan was as unlikely as Franco to occupy political power in a country
long plagued by severe inequality, racial inequities and discrimination of
all types. Because they shared the same causes of combating lethal police
violence and inequality, they sat next to one another in the city council
chamber. Her politically motivated murder at the age of 37 brought political
violence into our lives as a lurking, terrorizing reality which has only
intensified since then.
The end of that year saw the election of Bolsonaro as president despite his
decades-long advocacy of a return to the US/UK-supported military
dictatorship. That regime brutally ruled the country with torture and murder
until 1985, torturing and killing dissidents, journalists and anyone who
opposed them. Along with his long-taboo praise for the dictatorship (except
when he criticized it for being insufficiently violent and repressive),
Bolsonaro, though relegated to the fringes of political life as a
congressman for 30 years, gained media attention through a slew of
shockingly bigoted comments against the nations racial minorities, its
indigenous population in the Amazon and especially against LGBTQ+ people.
But in the 2018 election, it was not only Bolsonaro but also his far-right
Social Liberal party (PSL), which barely existed the year before, that
enjoyed a stunning rise to power. Virtually overnight, PSL, filled with
previously obscure and fanatically anti-democratic figures, became the
second most represented party in congress, just a few seats behind the
center-left Workers party that had governed the country since 2002. Among
its elected members were two police candidates who, days before the
election, had destroyed a street sign erected in homage to Franco with their
fists raised in the air.
Just weeks after Bolsonaros election, a terrifying scandal was revealed in
which Bolsonaros eldest son, Flávio, who had been elected to the federal
senate in the 2018 election, was found to have employed in his cabinet as a
state representative for a full decade both the wife and mother of the chief
of Rios most violent and feared paramilitary gang. Composed largely of
police and military officers, the militia specialized in abusing their law
enforcement expertise to carry out highly skilled pay-for-hire
assassinations, including police believed the assassination of Franco.
A police operation carried out as part of the investigation into Francos
murder succeeded in apprehending five of the top six militia leaders, but
the sixth, who fled and is now a fugitive, was the top leader the one
whose wife and mother were disturbingly employed for 10 years by Bolsonaros
son. This shocking link of the now all-powerful Bolsonaro family to the most
terrifying paramilitary gang of Rio has since been strengthened by newly
discovered connections, including photos of Bolsonaro with both of the
killers, that one of the ex-police officers arrested for having pulled the
trigger that killed Franco was a neighbor of Bolsonaros in his gated
community, while the other police officer, who was the driver of the car,
has a daughter who dated Bolsonaros youngest son.
In early 2019, Davids replacement of Wyllys in congress became a
much-publicized and dramatic story in a country where anti-LGBTQ+ animus had
become a major force in Brazils political life and where very few LGBTQ+
candidates ever occupy high office. The acrimonious Twitter exchange between
Bolsonaro and David instantly converted David into a new prime enemy of that
movement.
That Glenn had co-founded a growing and increasingly vocal Brazilian bureau
of the Intercept in 2016 that was highly critical of the Bolsonaro campaign
and then his presidency made us both visible adversaries of this newly
empowered far-right movement. That we are a gay, interracial couple in a
country governed by a virulently anti-LGBTQ+ movement made each of us
separately, but especially together, a particularly reviled yet visible
target of their wrath. In sum, the bulk of the hatred devoted to Wyllys
quickly transferred to David, to our marriage and to our family. As a New
York Times article in July put it: The two men find themselves on the front
lines of the countrys increasingly bitter political divide.
Since entering congress a little more than a year ago, David has not left
the house without armed security and an armored vehicle of the kind that
would have stopped the 11 bullets pumped into Francos car. We significantly
escalated security measures at our home, and our two newly adopted sons had
to be driven back and forth to school by security agents.
All of that was the context for the reporting Glenn and his Intercept
colleagues began on 9 June 2019, and which has continued through to this
day. It is hard to overstate the political impact of this journalism. As the
Guardian reported last July, the reports have had an explosive impact on
Brazilian politics and dominated headlines for weeks.
The last nine months of our lives, since the beginning of those reports,
have been filled with attacks of every kind. We have received detailed death
threats containing personal, non-public data available only to the state.
Many have been directed at our two sons, sometimes with gruesome detail. A
month after our reporting began, a news site notorious for being a dumping
ground for leaks by Sérgio Moro announced that an agency under his command
had initiated an investigation into Glenns personal finances, one stopped
by the supreme court on the ground that it was clearly retaliatory and thus
a violation of the constitutional guarantee of a free press. We learned in
September that the same federal agency had also initiated an investigation
into Davids personal finances, one launched two days after the Intercepts
reporting began.
With this reporting, the death threats intensified to an entirely new level.
Now, in addition to David, Glenn also has not been able to leave home for
any reason without a team of armed security and an armored vehicle since
last June. The same is true of the Intercepts Brazil editor, Leandro
Demori, who has been the target of horrific threats aimed at his family. The
exterior of our house now resembles a fortified prison, and its interior is
filled with cameras and guards.
In November, Glenn appeared on a popular rightwing radio and YouTube program
alongside a pro-Bolsonaro journalist who had, a month earlier, called on a
childrens judge to investigate whether we are sufficiently taking care of
our children on the ground that David works as a congressman and Glenn
works on these exposés. When Glenn confronted him on air about having used
our children in this manner, the journalist physically assaulted him. The
more significant part of the episode occurred afterwards: many of
Bolsonaros closest allies, including his politician sons and the guru of
his movement, not only cheered the assault but said their only regret was
that the attack on Glenn was not more violent.
It is sometimes hard for citizens of centuries-old western democracies to
appreciate how much easier it is for a young democracy like Brazil to easily
slip back into full-scale tyranny, or to be violently brought back to it.
That Brazil now has a president and is dominated by a political movement
that openly seeks such a regression makes the threat all the more acute. In
politics, they crave violence and civil conflict in lieu of dialogue and
elections because they view those as the necessary conditions to justify a
return of dictatorship-era repression. That is why they rely on threats,
violence, attacks, intimidation and abuse of state power: they need civil
upheaval and institutional conflict as a pretext for the repression they
openly support.
When news broke last week that Glenn had been criminally charged, many
wondered how that could have happened given that the federal police just
weeks earlier had closed its comprehensive investigation into the hacking of
Brazilian authorities and concluded that he was involved in no wrongdoing
(to the contrary, the report emphasized that Glenn had exercised extreme
caution in carrying out his work as a journalist). That the supreme court in
July had barred any investigation into Glenn provoked the obvious question:
if the high court had barred investigation of Glenn in connection with this
journalism, how could they indict him for it?
The answer is that the Bolsonaro movement seeks to prove that they are not
limited by law or anything else. To prove that, they will defy court orders,
ignore police investigations, ride roughshod over all other institutions
just as the military dictatorship did by decree, using violence, torture and
murder of dissidents, ignoring of supreme court orders and summary removal
of congress members who even minimally opposed them. The playbook they are
using is as dark and horrifying as it is familiar and obvious.
Because Glenn is a US citizen with a valid US passport, we could leave
Brazil at any time. David and our sons would be entitled to automatic US
citizenship. But we have not done that and we never will. Brazil is the
country we love and we intend to fight this repression, not flee from it.
Brazil is an extraordinary country, unique in so many ways, and is easily
worth fighting for. We could never in good conscience exploit the privileges
we have to leave behind a country we love and the millions of people who are
not able to leave.
When you live in a country where roughly half the population endured life
under a military tyranny, you end up meeting many who risked so much to
fight against it and fight for democracy. Brazil re-democratized in 1985
only after two decades of profoundly difficult struggle, protest, organizing
and resistance. We personally know many people who were imprisoned or exiled
for years for their fight against the dictatorship. Many of their friends
and comrades were murdered by the military regime while they fought for the
cause of Brazilian democracy.
Courage is contagious. Those are the people who inspire us and so many like
us in Bolsonaros Brazil who are confronting state repression to defend the
democracy that so many people suffered so much to bring about. Demagogues
and despots like Bolsonaro are a dime a dozen. They centrally rely on
intimidation, fear and the use of state repression to consolidate power. A
refusal to give into that fear, but instead to join hands with those who
intend to fight against it, is always the antidote to this toxin.
Email This Page
JComments
THE NEW STREAMLINED RSN LOGIN PROCESS: Register once, then login and you are
ready to comment. All you need is a Username and a Password of your choosing
and you are free to comment whenever you like! Welcome to the Reader
Supported News community.
You Are Not Logged In
Forgot Username?
search...
037675-aoc-012720.jpg
AOC Is Campaigning For Bernie Sanders In Iowa And Voters Are Falling In Love
Nidhi Prakash, BuzzFeed News
27 January 2020
035904-marie-yovanovitch-101019.jpg
FOCUS: Maybe The White House Meant "Take Her Out" And "Your Head Will Be On
A Pike" In An Innocent Way?
Jeremey Stahl, Slate
26 January 2020
037674-bernie-supporters-012720.jpg
RSN: Young People Are Set To Make History With Bernie Sanders - And New
Hampshire's Youth Movement Is Showing How
Norman Solomon, Reader Supported News
27 January 2020
037660-aoc-012620.jpg
FOCUS: AOC And Michael Moore Urge Iowa Voters Not To 'Play It Safe' As They
Stand In For Sanders
Hunter Walker, Yahoo News
26 January 2020
021351-greg-palast-060816.jpg
Ohio's Illegal Voter Purge Is A Direct Attack On The Democratic Voters
Greg Palast, Greg Palast's Facebook Page
26 January 2020
036079-lindsey-graham-102619.jpg
Lindsey Graham Is The Most Shameless Man In American Politics
Mehdi Hasan, The Intercept
27 January 2020
037673-john-bolton-012720.jpg
FOCUS: John Bolton's Account Upends Trump's Denials, But Will It Upend
Trump?
Peter Baker, The New York Times
27 January 2020
034410-joe-biden-070119.jpg
Joe Biden's Confounding Candidacy
Walter Shapiro, The New Republic
27 January 2020
037656-lake-erie-012620.jpg
Lake Erie Turns Toxic Every Summer. Officials Aren't Cracking Down On The
Source.
Jamie Smith Hopkins, Center for Public Integrity, The World, and Grist
26 January 2020
PRIVACY POLICYTERMS OF USECONTACT USWHO IS THIS?YOUR PROFILE
© 2020 Reader Supported News
