Didn't Alice meet Betsy DeVos when she followed the White Rabbit down
the rabbit hole? "Off with her head!"
In fact the rape of America's public education could well be a tale
from the Grimm Brothers.
We working class Americans are being set upon on all sides. I
honestly don't see the bottom of the Black Pitt
Do you get the sense that I'm in a dark mood? All the years I thought
we might have a light at the end of our tunnel, and then the earth
began to tremble, and the walls came crushing down.
Carl Jarvis
On 4/23/20, miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx <miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
From: Jeff Bryant <info@ind.media>
Sent: Thursday, April 23, 2020 11:55 AM
To: miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: How Betsy DeVos and the Charter School Movement Are Brazenly Using
Coronavirus Pandemic to Advance Their Agendas
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How Betsy DeVos and the Charter School Movement Are Brazenly Using
Coronavirus Pandemic to Advance Their Agendas
The school privatization movement is not stopping as the country remains
locked down.
By Jeff Bryant
COVID-19 has shuttered public schools
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across the nation, state governments are threatening to slash education
budgets
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due to the economic collapse caused by the outbreak, and emergency aid
provided by the federal government is far short of what is needed, according
to a broad coalition
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of education groups, but the charter school industry may benefit from its
unique status to seek public funding from multiple sources and expand these
schools into many more communities traumatized by the pandemic and financial
fallout.
As school districts reported huge problems
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with converting classroom learning into online instruction delivered to
students’ homes, often due to lack of funding for internet-capable devices
and Wi-Fi hotspots, charter school proponents spread the news of how their
industry could take advantage of emergency aid.
Charter operators rolled out new marketing campaigns to lure families to
enroll in their schools. And in national and local news outlets, advocates
for charters, vouchers, and other forms of “school choice” helped forge a
new media narrative about how the shuttering of the nation’s schools was an
opportunity for parents and their children to leave public schools.
Teachers in Los Angeles
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and Oakland
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urged their districts to stop charter school expansions and co-locations,
which they believe worsen the trauma that children in their communities are
experiencing due to the virus. But the Trump administration and U.S.
Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos have shown no signs of easing up their
campaigns to further privatize public schools.
“This is an opportunity,” said DeVos in an interview with right-wing radio
talk show
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host Glenn Beck, “to collectively look very seriously at the fact that K-12
education for too long has been very static and very stuck in one method of
delivering and making instruction available.”
A Gift from DeVos
On March 27, one of DeVos’s first reactions to the pandemic was to urge
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Congress to provide “microgrants” to help “the most disadvantaged
students,” an idea that struck knowledgeable education policy
observers—including retired teacher Peter Greene
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and National Education Association president Lily Eskelsen Garcia
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—as being in sync with her longtime advocacy
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for school vouchers. Somehow the mass shuttering of the nation’s schools
convinced her “that necessity has never been more evident.”
A week and a half later, DeVos unveiled an investment of more than $200
million
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in grants from the federal government to help 13 charter school management
companies expand.
It’s not at all clear the new grants come with new measures to oversee how
charters spend the money. If they don’t, that would be a big mistake given a
December 2019 report
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from the Network for Public Education (NPE) that found that since the
charter grant program’s inception, approximately $1.17 billion
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has gone to schools that either never opened or that opened and have since
shut down. The failure rate of charter startups funded by the education
department’s Charter School Program is 37 percent.
An earlier NPE report
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, which I coauthored, also found that many charter management organizations
that have received federal grants are “beset with problems including
conflicts of interest and profiteering.” Some of the organizations receiving
this new round of federal funding have these same flaws.
For instance, the largest grant
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, $72 million over five years, is going to the IDEA charter chain, which in
January 2020 was publicly humiliated by reports in the Houston Chronicle
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for its plan to use $2 million in taxpayer money to buy a luxury private
jet. The Chronicle also revealed the company had spent hundreds of thousands
of dollars annually on tickets and luxury box seats at San Antonio Spurs NBA
games—over $400,000 in the most recent year.
Another recent report
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, in the Texas Monitor, revealed IDEA executives spent over $800,000 on
luxury travel between 2017 and 2019, including private jets and limos. In
one of these larks, IDEA CEO Tom Torkelson took a private jet to Tampa to
meet with DeVos “to discuss ‘education philanthropy,’” the Texas Monitor
reports. Torkelson recently resigned
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.
Another charter chain benefitting from DeVos’s generosity is Mater Academy,
which received the second-largest grant
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of $57.1 million. Mater Academy is affiliated
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with for-profit education company Academica.
As NPE executive director Carol Burris explained
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in the Washington Post, three schools operated by Academica in Florida,
including two in the Mater chain, were the subjects of a government
investigation that found “related party transactions” between Academica and
“a real estate company that leased both buildings and security services to
the schools.” The companies were also connected to founders of both the
Mater Academies and Academica.
An extensive investigation of Academica’s business practices conducted by
privatization watchdog group In the Public Interest in 2016 found
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in addition to providing management services, Academica also leased
facilities to many of its schools and tended to charge significantly higher
rents than what non-Academica charters were made to pay.
Each of these charter school operations deserves close scrutiny of their
business practices, but DeVos has chosen to reward them with over $129
million in federal funding at a time when public school districts are in
crisis and likely face severe budget cuts.
How Charters Double-Dip
When Congress and the Trump administration announced plans in late March to
send
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$13.5 billion in emergency aid to public schools, the charter school
industry insisted it deserves its cut of the rescue funds too.
Writing in the pro-charter media outlet The 74, Nina Rees, executive
director of the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools (NAPCS), said
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DeVos and governors should encourage districts to release these funds to
schools “without regard to differences in school model,” meaning not to
exclude charters.
In her letter
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telling governors where to apply for the emergency funds, DeVos specified
the money was intended to support “schools (including charter schools and
non-public schools),” meaning funds could be spent on charter schools and
private schools.
Days before, Rees insisted charter schools be regarded as public schools and
eligible for emergency aid, her organization also advised
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charter schools to apply for federal rescue funds for small businesses
devastated by the pandemic.
According to Education Week
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, charter lobbying groups including NAPCS have “urged charter schools
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… to consider applying for the $349 billion Paycheck Protection Program
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, a short-term loan program designed to help businesses cover payroll
expenses.”
Rees, who previously worked
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as a deputy assistant for domestic policy to former Vice President Dick
Cheney, justified the request by claiming to the Education Week reporter
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, “The last recession hit charter schools pretty significantly” and that the
fallout from COVID-19 might adversely affect “private giving to support
their operations.”
But in the same article, NPE’s Carol Burris pointed out
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that “charter schools have had no drop in the funding stream” as a result
of the pandemic, because state funding for both charter schools and school
districts has already been set for the current academic year.
“Once again, the charter sector, through the lobbying efforts of Nina Rees…
worked behind the scenes to gain fiscal advantage for the privately operated
schools they claim are public schools,” Burris wrote
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in comments on the personal blog of education historian Diane Ravitch.
“Charters claim to be ‘public schools’ when that’s where the money is,”
Ravitch added. “But when the money is available for small businesses, they
claim to be small businesses.”
Charter school promoters defend
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their duplicity by pointing out that the law says nonprofit organizations
are eligible for the funds, and charter schools are nonprofits. But public
schools are not eligible for these funds, so why should charters, if they
truly are public schools, get to change stripes to suit the occasion?
‘Disaster Capitalism’
While most would agree that the current disruption to children’s learning is
a disaster, fans of charter schools and other forms of school choice see an
opportunity.
“It isn’t too early for parents to plan ahead for next year and beyond when
school doors re-open,” wrote
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Joe Pantorno for New York City news outlet AMNY. “Charter schools have
become a viable and attractive option for a child’s education,” insisted
Pantorno, a sports editor
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.
In some districts where schools have struggled with the transition to
online, charter schools have stepped up marketing campaigns
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, opened
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their enrollments mid-year to take in more students, and provided free
computers to lure families away from public schools. Online charters in Utah
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and elsewhere have run advertisements urging parents to leave their public
schools and enroll in privately operated online academies, which have
continued to operate “largely unimpeded,” reported
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Rachel Cohen for The 74.
In Oklahoma, the state’s largest online charter, currently the subject of a
lawsuit because its for-profit operator refuses to comply with a state
investigation, “has had teachers recruiting new students on social media,”
according
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to Tulsa World. The school is accused of recruiting “ghost students,”
explained
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John Thompson for the Progressive, “who were technically enrolled but
received minimal instruction from teachers.” Thompson also reports that the
owners are alleged to have hidden their school’s low graduation rates and
used the school’s management company to divert state funds for their own
personal use.
In Florida, the state board of education is considering a request
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from Florida Virtual School (FLVS), the state’s online K-12 school, for
$4.3 million in technology upgrades to boost its current capacity of 170,000
students to 470,000. FLVS, a nonprofit, also inked a contract
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at the end of March for $525,000 to provide online schooling in Alaska.
To guard against online charters trying to profit in a crisis, Oregon
announced their school closure orders applied to online charters too
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because losing students to online schools would negatively affect public
school budgets. Pennsylvania passed a bill freezing payments to online
charter schools
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, even if more students enroll in these schools, to prevent the financial
drain that would happen when parents flee public schools.
“As the pandemic forces schools to innovate, Americans will get a glimpse
into what the future of learning looks like,” predicted
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Jonathan Butcher, a senior policy analyst at two right-wing think tanks.
Butcher’s claim appeared in a policy brief for the Mercatus Center, a
privatization advocate at George Mason University, which is funded
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by the family foundation of Charles Koch and his late brother David.
COVID-19 “could change education content delivery forever,” Butcher wrote,
forcing schools to enter into “public-private partnerships with virtual
learning providers.”
In a critical review of Butcher’s brief, Kevin Welner, a project director at
the National Education Policy Center, warned
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that heedless efforts to strike deals with online education companies were
“a clear example of ‘disaster capitalism’—the exploitation of instability
and crisis to advance marketization.”
Welner pointed to a substantial body of evidence that online schools are
ill-suited to address the broad purposes of schooling, which often include
providing meals and health care services. These operations also tend to
generate very poor academic results and under-serve struggling learners,
especially students with disabilities.
Rather than rushing headlong into privatizing the public education system,
Welner concluded that when the nation emerges from this dark period, “the
real lesson for many Americans is a renewed appreciation for vital roles
played by their children’s schools and teachers.”
Jeff Bryant is a writing fellow and chief correspondent for Our Schools
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, a project of the Independent Media Institute. He is a communications
consultant, freelance writer, advocacy journalist, and director of the
Education Opportunity Network, a strategy and messaging center for
progressive education policy. His award-winning commentary and reporting
routinely appear in prominent online news outlets, and he speaks frequently
at national events about public education policy. Follow him on Twitter
@jeffbcdm
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