[blind-democracy] Corporate Pillaging in Haiti

  • From: Miriam Vieni <miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
  • To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
  • Date: Sun, 27 Dec 2015 15:49:01 -0500


Excerpt: "When corporations arrive in countries like Haiti - where extreme
poverty is so prevalent - they cast a spell on the people by promising a
brighter future. When people don't know what the consequences may be, they
tend to welcome any proposal for potential progress. However, once the
development projects begin, the promises start to break."

Members of a peasant organization heading to community meeting to discuss
their rights. (photo: Roberto 'Bear' Guerra)


Corporate Pillaging in Haiti
By Nixon Boumba, Upside Down World
27 December 15

Since the earthquake of January, 2010, Haiti has increasingly become a
target of extraction and private business development by Haitian and foreign
investors. Income and trade - if the wages are livable and the trade is fair
- would, of course, be helpful for the poverty statistics-topping nation.
This would be especially important for the majority of the population who
survive on agriculture. However, much of the new business is being planned
or executed on lands those farmers’ families have lived on since they were
enslaved, leaving them landless and without livelihood.
The January 2010 earthquake provided a perfect opportunity for many to come
and do business in Haiti. Even prior to the earthquake, Bill Clinton led the
discussion on developing Haiti through corporate investment. President
Martelly turned that approach into a credo: “Haiti is open for business.”
We understand the pretext for this so-called development. The concept of
extraction isn’t very well known in Haiti, but the country has had a long
history of pillaging by colonial and imperial powers.
There is a massive transfer of public resources being planned, from
collective to private property. Public funding that should be spent on the
population is being used to facilitate business investment. This happened in
the construction of the free trade zone in Caracol, in which funds from US
Agency for International Development and the Inter-American Development Bank
that should have been spent on the Haitian people were instead used to
develop private business.
When corporations arrive in countries like Haiti - where extreme poverty is
so prevalent - they cast a spell on the people by promising a brighter
future. When people don’t know what the consequences may be, they tend to
welcome any proposal for potential progress. However, once the development
projects begin, the promises start to break.
That’s when people begin to resist. They protest, they try to bring the
companies to court, and they go on the radio to denounce what’s going on.
That’s what is happening right now in Haiti. We’re working on alternatives
and we are leading a concentrated resistance movement against this model of
development.
Extractive Strategies
The extractive corporations that have arrived in the country generally
employ one of four strategies.
The first is the mining and drilling of Haiti’s mineral and [possible]
petroleum resources. The government has said that mineral extraction will be
a principal development strategy in the pursuit of being seen as an emerging
nation in 2030. Currently, the Northeast, Northwest, parts of the Artibonite
Valley, and the Central Plateau are undergoing mineral exploration.
The amount of water a company uses to mine for gold for one hour would last
the average Haitian family of 7-10 people 20 years. A region in the
Northeast, with one of the heaviest concentrations of mines, has been under
exploration for the last 10 years. This area is now experiencing a severe
lack of water, which is no coincidence. Forced expulsion to get at the land
under peasants’ feet is also a threat of mineral extraction.
Petroleum is another natural resource that companies are looking to extract.
According to the petroleum companies’ figures, the petroleum contracts in
the Northeast region could be worth over $20 billion. They also estimate
that the petroleum riches actually dwarf the mineral riches of the country.
The second strategy [which has historically created poor working conditions
and unfair wages] is to take advantage of free trade zones. Manufacturers
have done this since the 1980s when industries were looking for countries to
move their operations to. They saw Haiti as an ideal fit, due to both its
geographic proximity to the US and cheap labor. A Haitian worker makes less
than five US dollars a day and there are no laws protecting workers. The
rampant poverty means that the overwhelming majority of the population are
starved for work. According to the government, 35 to 40 free trade zones,
mainly for textile companies, are set to open in the near future.
The third strategy is tourism. This development plan includes many large
hotels, nightclubs and businesses. The scale of tourism development
currently being planned in Haiti is unheard of. For the first time ever, we
have a Ministry of Tourism. Who stands to benefit? The businesses being
lured here. Who will foot the bill? The peasants living on the land who are
being dispossessed in the process.
A catastrophe in tourism development is set to take place on Ile-à-Vâche, an
island with 20,000 inhabitants who live off of agriculture, animal
husbandry, and fishing. The state wants to appropriate almost 45 square
kilometers of land where the government is planning to build an
international airport, just as they are in Les Cayes. Petrocaribe funds are
helping to create the infrastructure.
Near Ile-à-Vâche are the towns of Cotes-de-Fer and Aquin, where almost $300
million is being invested by the Punta Cana Group to draw tourists to
Haiti’s coasts.
In 2014, all of the housing along the shores of Port-au-Prince was
demolished and there are similar projects underway in Cap-Haïtien,
Môle-Saint-Nicolas, Savanne, Jacmel and Ile de La Tortue. Much of the coast
has been snatched up by eminent domain and designated as a free trade zone
for tourism development.
The fourth strategy is agro-exploitation. Large North American and European
corporations have deemed that Haiti has a comparative advantage in products
that Haitians don’t need. This model just doesn’t make sense for Haiti, a
country that is heavily dependent on its food resources.
For every kind of land, there’s a specific kind of crop that grows well on
it. Despite this, companies are taking large swaths of land and hiring
peasants to plant bananas for export. This is happening in Léogâne, as well
as in the Northeast region where a company called Agritrans got millions of
dollars from the Haitian government. [Ed. note: With manipulation by the US,
Agritrans’ chief operator, Jovenel Moïse, is likely to be named Haiti’s next
president in a discredited election. Watch for our upcoming article.]
Resistance
Resistance is only effective when it’s part of a larger movement with
clearly stated goals and plans for achieving that change. Organizations are
beginning to form and discuss these issues on a regional level. We’re asking
people, “What would make your lives and your livelihood better?” In the
Northeast, where they produce rice, we’re asking people what they need to
produce more and involve more people in the production process. If more rice
is produced, more Haitians will eat. Why plant bananas and sell them
elsewhere? Why produce textiles to sell overseas?
We’re asking these communities what they want and how they want to develop.
We haven’t arrived at a consensus yet, but the ball is already rolling in
communities throughout the country. We hope that people will continue to
cooperate, organize, and work on alternatives to these destructive projects.
We have collaborators working with us on these problems internationally,
notably in areas of Latin America.
We hope that others will join us in intensifying the battle, because it’s
the same fight all over. The struggle for land justice knows no borders.
It’s up to us to unify and fight this battle together.

Error! Hyperlink reference not valid. Error! Hyperlink reference not valid.

Members of a peasant organization heading to community meeting to discuss
their rights. (photo: Roberto 'Bear' Guerra)
http://upsidedownworld.org/main/haiti-archives-51/5546-the-struggle-for-land
-justice-knows-no-borders-corporate-pillaging-in-haitihttp://upsidedownworld
.org/main/haiti-archives-51/5546-the-struggle-for-land-justice-knows-no-bord
ers-corporate-pillaging-in-haiti
Corporate Pillaging in Haiti
By Nixon Boumba, Upside Down World
27 December 15
ince the earthquake of January, 2010, Haiti has increasingly become a
target of extraction and private business development by Haitian and foreign
investors. Income and trade - if the wages are livable and the trade is fair
- would, of course, be helpful for the poverty statistics-topping nation.
This would be especially important for the majority of the population who
survive on agriculture. However, much of the new business is being planned
or executed on lands those farmers’ families have lived on since they were
enslaved, leaving them landless and without livelihood.
The January 2010 earthquake provided a perfect opportunity for many to come
and do business in Haiti. Even prior to the earthquake, Bill Clinton led the
discussion on developing Haiti through corporate investment. President
Martelly turned that approach into a credo: “Haiti is open for business.”
We understand the pretext for this so-called development. The concept of
extraction isn’t very well known in Haiti, but the country has had a long
history of pillaging by colonial and imperial powers.
There is a massive transfer of public resources being planned, from
collective to private property. Public funding that should be spent on the
population is being used to facilitate business investment. This happened in
the construction of the free trade zone in Caracol, in which funds from US
Agency for International Development and the Inter-American Development Bank
that should have been spent on the Haitian people were instead used to
develop private business.
When corporations arrive in countries like Haiti - where extreme poverty is
so prevalent - they cast a spell on the people by promising a brighter
future. When people don’t know what the consequences may be, they tend to
welcome any proposal for potential progress. However, once the development
projects begin, the promises start to break.
That’s when people begin to resist. They protest, they try to bring the
companies to court, and they go on the radio to denounce what’s going on.
That’s what is happening right now in Haiti. We’re working on alternatives
and we are leading a concentrated resistance movement against this model of
development.
Extractive Strategies
The extractive corporations that have arrived in the country generally
employ one of four strategies.
The first is the mining and drilling of Haiti’s mineral and [possible]
petroleum resources. The government has said that mineral extraction will be
a principal development strategy in the pursuit of being seen as an emerging
nation in 2030. Currently, the Northeast, Northwest, parts of the Artibonite
Valley, and the Central Plateau are undergoing mineral exploration.
The amount of water a company uses to mine for gold for one hour would last
the average Haitian family of 7-10 people 20 years. A region in the
Northeast, with one of the heaviest concentrations of mines, has been under
exploration for the last 10 years. This area is now experiencing a severe
lack of water, which is no coincidence. Forced expulsion to get at the land
under peasants’ feet is also a threat of mineral extraction.
Petroleum is another natural resource that companies are looking to extract.
According to the petroleum companies’ figures, the petroleum contracts in
the Northeast region could be worth over $20 billion. They also estimate
that the petroleum riches actually dwarf the mineral riches of the country.
The second strategy [which has historically created poor working conditions
and unfair wages] is to take advantage of free trade zones. Manufacturers
have done this since the 1980s when industries were looking for countries to
move their operations to. They saw Haiti as an ideal fit, due to both its
geographic proximity to the US and cheap labor. A Haitian worker makes less
than five US dollars a day and there are no laws protecting workers. The
rampant poverty means that the overwhelming majority of the population are
starved for work. According to the government, 35 to 40 free trade zones,
mainly for textile companies, are set to open in the near future.
The third strategy is tourism. This development plan includes many large
hotels, nightclubs and businesses. The scale of tourism development
currently being planned in Haiti is unheard of. For the first time ever, we
have a Ministry of Tourism. Who stands to benefit? The businesses being
lured here. Who will foot the bill? The peasants living on the land who are
being dispossessed in the process.
A catastrophe in tourism development is set to take place on Ile-à-Vâche, an
island with 20,000 inhabitants who live off of agriculture, animal
husbandry, and fishing. The state wants to appropriate almost 45 square
kilometers of land where the government is planning to build an
international airport, just as they are in Les Cayes. Petrocaribe funds are
helping to create the infrastructure.
Near Ile-à-Vâche are the towns of Cotes-de-Fer and Aquin, where almost $300
million is being invested by the Punta Cana Group to draw tourists to
Haiti’s coasts.
In 2014, all of the housing along the shores of Port-au-Prince was
demolished and there are similar projects underway in Cap-Haïtien,
Môle-Saint-Nicolas, Savanne, Jacmel and Ile de La Tortue. Much of the coast
has been snatched up by eminent domain and designated as a free trade zone
for tourism development.
The fourth strategy is agro-exploitation. Large North American and European
corporations have deemed that Haiti has a comparative advantage in products
that Haitians don’t need. This model just doesn’t make sense for Haiti, a
country that is heavily dependent on its food resources.
For every kind of land, there’s a specific kind of crop that grows well on
it. Despite this, companies are taking large swaths of land and hiring
peasants to plant bananas for export. This is happening in Léogâne, as well
as in the Northeast region where a company called Agritrans got millions of
dollars from the Haitian government. [Ed. note: With manipulation by the US,
Agritrans’ chief operator, Jovenel Moïse, is likely to be named Haiti’s next
president in a discredited election. Watch for our upcoming article.]
Resistance
Resistance is only effective when it’s part of a larger movement with
clearly stated goals and plans for achieving that change. Organizations are
beginning to form and discuss these issues on a regional level. We’re asking
people, “What would make your lives and your livelihood better?” In the
Northeast, where they produce rice, we’re asking people what they need to
produce more and involve more people in the production process. If more rice
is produced, more Haitians will eat. Why plant bananas and sell them
elsewhere? Why produce textiles to sell overseas?
We’re asking these communities what they want and how they want to develop.
We haven’t arrived at a consensus yet, but the ball is already rolling in
communities throughout the country. We hope that people will continue to
cooperate, organize, and work on alternatives to these destructive projects.
We have collaborators working with us on these problems internationally,
notably in areas of Latin America.
We hope that others will join us in intensifying the battle, because it’s
the same fight all over. The struggle for land justice knows no borders.
It’s up to us to unify and fight this battle together.
http://e-max.it/posizionamento-siti-web/socialize
http://e-max.it/posizionamento-siti-web/socialize


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