[patriots] Boer War Remembered
- From: "Chris Pead" <cpead@xxxxxxxxxxxx>
- To: "Patriots JGroup" <patriots@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Mon, 29 Sep 2014 16:03:19 +0100
The Boer War Remembered
By Mark Weber
The Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 was more than the first major military clash
of the 20th century. Pitting as it did the might of the globe-girdling
British Empire, backed by international finance, against a small pioneering
nation of independent-minded farmers, ranchers and merchants in southern
Africa who lived by the Bible and the rifle, its legacy continues to
resonate today. The Boers' recourse to irregular warfare, and Britain's
response in herding a hundred thousand women and children into concentration
camps foreshadowed the horrors of guerilla warfare and mass detention of
innocents that have become emblematic of the 20th century.
The Dutch, Huguenot and German ancestors of the Boers first settled the Cape
area of South Africa in 1652. After several attempts, Britain took control
of it in 1814. Refusing to submit to foreign colonial rule, 10,000 Boers
left the Cape area in the Great Trek of 1835-1842. The trekkers moved
northwards, first to Natal and then to the interior highlands where they set
up two independent republics, the Orange Free State and the South African
(Transvaal) Republic. The Boers (Dutch: "farmers") worked hard to build a
new life for themselves. But they also had to fight to keep their fledgling
republics free of British encroachment and safe from native African attacks.
Their great leader was Paul Kruger, an imposing, passionate and deeply
religious man. The bearded, patriarchal figure was beloved by his people,
who affectionately referred to him as "Oom Paul" (Uncle Paul). Born into a
relatively well-to-do Cape colony farming family in 1825, he took part as a
boy in the Great Trek. He married at the age of 17, became a widower at 21,
remarried twice, and fathered 16 children. With just a few months of
schooling, his reading was confined almost entirely to the Bible. He was an
avid hunter, an expert horseman, and an able swimmer and diver.
Over his lifetime, Kruger repeatedly proved his courage and resourcefulness
in numerous pitched military engagements. When he was 14 he fought in his
first battle, a commando raid against Matabele regiments, and also shot his
first lion. While in his twenties he took part in two major battles against
native black forces.
Four times he was elected President of the Transvaal republic. His courage,
honesty and devotion helped greatly to sustain the morale of his people
during the hard years of conflict. A contemporary observer described Kruger
as a "natural orator; rugged in speech, lacking in measured phrase and in
logical balance; but passionate and convincing in the unaffected pleading of
his earnestness." note 1
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#66166>
Gold and Diamonds
The discovery of gold at Witwatersrand in the Transvaal in 1886 ended Boer
seclusion, and brought a mortal threat to the young nation's dream of
freedom from alien rule. Like a magnet, the land's rich gold deposits drew
waves of foreign adventurers and speculators, whom the Boers called
"uitlanders" ("outlanders"). By 1896 the population of Johannesburg had
grown to more than a hundred thousand. Of the 50,000c white residents, only
6,205 were citizens. note 2
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#22354>
As often happens in history, important aspects of the Anglo-Boer conflict
came to light only years after the fighting had ended. In a masterful 1979
study, The Boer War, British historian Thomas Pakenham revealed previously
unknown details about the conspiracy of British colonial officials and
Jewish financiers to plunge South Africa into war. The men who flocked to
South Africa in search of wealth included Cecil Rhodes, the renowned English
capitalist and imperial visionary, and a collection of ambitious Jews who,
together with him, were to play a decisive role in fomenting the Boer war.
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_map.jpg>
(Click on map to enlarge)
Barney Barnato, a dapper, vulgar fellow from London's East End (born Barnett
Isaacs), was one of the first of many Jews who have played a major role in
South African affairs. Through pluck and shrewd maneuvering, by 1887 he
presided over an enormous South African financial-business empire of
diamonds and gold. In 1888 he joined with his chief rival, Cecil Rhodes, who
was backed by the Rothschild family of European financiers, in running the
De Beers empire, which controlled all South African diamond production, and
thereby 90 percent of the world's diamond output, as well as a large share
of the world's gold production. note 3
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#96110> (In the 20th
century, the De Beers diamond cartel came under the control of a
German-Jewish dynasty, the Oppenheimers, who also controlled its gold-mining
twin, the Anglo-American Corporation. With its virtual world monopoly on
diamond production and distribution, and grip on a large part of the world's
gold production, the billionaire family has ruled a financial empire of
unmatched global importance. It also controlled influential newspapers in
South Africa. So great was the Oppenheimers' power and influence in South
Africa that it rivaled that of the formal government.) note 4
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#67600>
In the 1890s the most powerful South African financial house was Wernher,
Beit & Co., which was controlled and run by a Jewish speculator from Germany
named Alfred Beit. Rhodes relied heavily on support from Beit, whose close
ties to the Rothschilds and the Dresdner Bank made it possible for the
ambitious Englishman to acquire and consolidate his great financial-business
empire. note 5 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#94719>
As historian Pakenham has noted, the "secret allies" of Alfred Milner, the
British High Commissioner for South Africa, were "the London 'gold-bugs' --
especially the financiers of the largest of all the Rand mining houses,
Wernher-Beit." Pakenham continued: "Alfred Beit was the giant -- a giant who
bestrode the world's gold market like a gnome. He was short, plump and bald,
with large, pale, luminous eyes and a nervous way of tugging at his grey
moustache." note 6 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#46695>
Beit and Lionel Phillips, a Jewish millionaire from England, together
controlled H. Eckstein & Co., the largest South African mining syndicate. Of
the six largest mining companies, four were controlled by Jews. note 7
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#60536>
By 1894, Beit and Phillips were conspiring behind the backs of Briton and
Boer alike to "improve" the Transvaal Volksraad (parliament) with tens of
thousands of pounds in bribe money. In one case, Beit and Phillips spent
25,000 pounds to arrange settlement of an important issue before the
assembly. note 8 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#45739>
The Jameson Raid
On December 29, 1895, a band of 500 British adventurers forcibly tried to
seize control of the Boer republics in an "unofficial" armed takeover.
Rhodes, who was then also prime minister of the British-ruled Cape Colony,
organized the venture, which Alfred Beit financed to the tune of 200,000
pounds. Phillips also joined the conspiracy. According to their plan,
raiders led by Sir Leander Starr Jameson, a close personal friend of Rhodes,
would dash from neighboring British territory into Johannesburg to "defend"
the British "outlanders" there who, by secret prior arrangement, would
simultaneously seize control of the city in the name of the "oppressed"
aliens, and proclaim themselves the new government of Transvaal. In a letter
about the plan written four months before the raid, Rhodes confided to Beit:
"Johannesburg is ready ... [this is] the big idea which makes England
dominant in Africa, in fact gives England the African continent." note 9
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#54903>
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Kruger.jpg>
Paul Kruger, Boer leader and President of the Transvaal Republic.
Rhodes, Beit and Jameson counted on the secret backing in London of the new
Colonial Secretary, Joseph Chamberlain (father of future Prime Minister
Neville Chamberlain). Upon taking office in the administration of Prime
Minister Salisbury, Chamberlain proudly proclaimed his arch-imperialist
sentiments: "I believe in the British Empire, and I believe in the British
race. I believe that the British race is the greatest of governing races
that the world has ever seen." Clandestinely Chamberlain provided the
conspirators with rifles, and made available to them a tract of land as a
staging area for the attack. note 10
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#47781>
After 21 men lost their lives in the takeover attempt, Jameson and his
fellow raiders were captured and put on trial. In Johannesburg, Transvaal
authorities arrested Phillips for his part in organizing the raid. They
found incriminating secret correspondence between him and co-conspirators
Beit and Rhodes, which encouraged Phillips to confess his guilt. A Transvaal
court leniently sentenced Jameson to 15 months imprisonment. Phillips was
sentenced to death, but this was quickly commuted to a fine of 25,000
pounds. (Later, after returning to Britain, the financier was knighted for
his services to the Empire, and during the First World War was given a high
post in the Ministry of Munitions.)
Although it proved a fiasco, the Jameson raid convinced the Boers that the
British were determined, even at the cost of human lives, to rob them of
their hard-won freedom. The blood of those who died in the abortive raid
also figuratively baptized the alliance of Jewish finance and British
imperialism. note 11 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#93863>
Jan Christiann Smuts, the brilliant young Boer leader who would one day be
Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa, later reflected: "The Jameson
Raid was the real declaration of war in the Great Anglo-Boer conflict ...
And that is so in spite of the four years truce that followed ... [the]
aggressors consolidated their alliance ... the defenders on the other hand
silently and grimly prepared for the inevitable." note 12
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#31275>
Preparing for War
Undaunted by the Jameson Raid disaster, British High Commissioner Milner,
with crucial "gold bug" backing, began secretly to foment a full-scale war
to drag the Boer lands into the Empire. While publicly preparing to
"negotiate" with President Kruger over the status of the "uitlanders,"
Milner was secretly confiding his intention to "screw" the Boers. At their
May-June 1899 meeting, he demanded of Kruger an "immediate voice" for the
flood of foreigners who had poured into the Transvaal republic in recent
years. As the talks inevitably broke down, Kruger angrily declared: "It is
our country you want!"
Even as the "negotiations" were underway, Wernher, Beit & Co. was secretly
financing an "outlander" army of 1,500, which eventually grew to 10,000. As
Thomas Pakenham has noted: "The gold-bugs, contrary to the accepted view of
later historians, were thus active partners with Milner in the making of the
war." note 13 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#63665>
Horatio Herbert Kitchener, the illustrious warlord who commanded British
forces in South Africa, 1900-1902, later privately acknowledged that a major
factor in the conflict was that the Boers were "afraid of getting into the
hands of certain Jews who no doubt wield great influence in the country."
note 14 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#86288>
For Britain's leaders, bringing the Boer republics under imperial rule
seemed entirely logical and virtually pre-ordained. On the prevailing
mind-set in London, historian Pakenham has written: note 15
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#30778>
The independence of a Boer republic, bursting with gold and bristling with
imported rifles, threatened Britain's status as a "paramount" power. British
paramountcy (alias supremacy) was not a concept in international law. But
most of the British thought it made practical sense ... Boer independence
seemed worse than absurd; it was dangerous for world peace ... The solution
seemed to be to wrap the whole of South Africa in the Union Jack, the make
the whole country a British dominion ...
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Barnato.jpg>
Barney Barnato
Most of Britain's leading newspapers pushed for war. This was especially
true of the Jewish-owned or Jewish-controlled press, which included the
influential conservative organ, The Daily Telegraph, owned by Lord Burnham
(born Edward Levy), Oppenheim's Daily News, Marks' Evening News, and
Steinkopf's St. James Gazette. note 16
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#92475>
Reflecting the official consensus in London, on August 26, 1899, Chamberlain
delivered an uncompromising speech directed against the Boers, and two days
later sent a threatening dispatch to Kruger. The British Colonial Secretary
was, in effect, asking the Boers to surrender their sovereignty. In
preparation for war against the republics, the Salisbury government resolved
on September 8 to send an additional 10,000 troops to South Africa. When the
Boer leaders learned a short time later that London was preparing a force of
47,000 men to invade the their lands, the two republics jointly began in
earnest to ready their own troops and weapons for battle.
With war now imminent, and Boer patience now exhausted, Kruger and his
government issued an ultimatum on October 9, 1899. Tantamount to a
declaration of war, it demanded the withdrawal of British forces and the
arbitration of all points of disagreement. Two days later, after Britain had
let the ultimatum expire, the war was on.
A People's War
Boer men were citizen-soldiers. By law, all males in the two republics
between the ages of 16 and 60 were eligible for war service. In the
Transvaal, every male burgher was required to have a rifle and ammunition.
At a military parade held in Pretoria, the Transvaal capital, on October 10,
1899, in honor of Kruger's 74th birthday, ranchers from the bushveld, clerks
and solicitors from the cities, and other battle-ready citizens rode or
marched past their leader. Joining them were foreign volunteer fighters who
had rallied to the Boer cause, including a thousand Dutchmen and Germans,
and a contingent of a hundred Irishmen (including a youthful John MacBride,
who was executed 17 years later for his role in the Dublin Easter Uprising).
note 17 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#68147>
Even as they prepared to face the might of the world's foremost imperial
power, the Boers were confident and determined. Although outnumbered, their
morale was good. They were fighting for their land, their freedom and their
way of life -- and on familiar home territory. As British historian Phillip
Knightley has written: note 18
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#78441>
The Boer, neither completely civilian nor completely a soldier, alternating
between tending his farm and fighting the British, lightly armed with an
accurate repeating rifle, mobile, able to live for long periods on strips of
dried meat and a little water, drawing on the hidden support of his
countrymen, unafraid to flee when the battle was not in his favor, choosing
his ground and his time for attack, was more than a match for any regular
army, no matter what his strength.
Boers fighters were also chivalrous in combat. A few years after the end of
the war, when passions had cooled somewhat, the London Times' history of the
war conceded: note 19 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#19151>
In the moment of their triumph the Boers behaved with the same unaffected
kindheartedness ... which they displayed after most of their victories.
Although exultant they were not insulting. They fetched water and blankets
for the wounded and treated prisoners with every consideration.
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_bugs.jpg>
Cecil Rhodes (left) and Alfred Beit: the "gold-bugs."
Although the Boers scored some impressive initial battlefield victories, the
numerically superior British forces soon gained the upper hand. But even the
capture of their main towns and rail lines did not bring the Boers to
capitulate. Boer "commandos," outnumbered about four to one but supported by
the people, launched a guerilla campaign against the invaders. Striking
without warning, they kept the enemy from totally subjugating the land and
its people.
Mounted on horseback, the Boer "commando" fighter didn't look anything like
a typical soldier. Usually with a long beard, he wore rough farming clothes
and a wide-brimmed hat, and slung belts of bullets over both shoulders.
'Methods of Barbarism'
Lord Kitchener, the new British commander, adopted tactics to "clean up" a
war that many in Britain had considered already won. In waging ruthless war
against an entire people, he ordered his troops to destroy livestock and
crops, burn down farms, and herd women and children into "camps of refuge."
Reports about these grim internment centers, which were soon called
concentration camps, shocked the western world.
Britain's new style of waging war was summarized in a report made in January
1902 by Jan Smuts, the 31-year-old Boer general (and future South African
prime minister):
Lord Kitchener has begun to carry out a policy in both [Boer] republics of
unbelievable barbarism and gruesomeness which violates the most elementary
principles of the international rules of war.
Almost all farmsteads and villages in both republics have been burned down
and destroyed. All crops have been destroyed. All livestock which has fallen
into the hands of the enemy has been killed or slaughtered.
The basic principle behind Lord Kitchener's tactics has been to win, not so
much through direct operations against fighting commandos, but rather
indirectly by bringing the pressure of war against defenseless women and
children.
... This violation of every international law is really very characteristic
of the nation which always plays the role of chosen judge over the customs
and behavior of all other nations.
Shooting Prisoners
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_unit.jpg>
Boer guerilla leader General Jan Smuts with his commando unit while
operating against the British in the Cape Colony. Smuts later became prime
minister of unified South Africa.
John Dillon, an Irish nationalist Member of Parliament, spoke out against
the British policy of shooting Boer prisoners of war. On February 26, 1901,
he made public a letter by a British officer in the field:
The orders in this district from Lord Kitchener are to burn and destroy all
provisions, forage, etc., and seize cattle, horses, and stock of all sorts
wherever found, and to leave no food in the houses of the inhabitants. And
the word has been passed round privately that no prisoners are to be taken.
That is, all the men found fighting are to be shot. This order was given to
me personally by a general, one of the highest in rank in South Africa. So
there is no mistake about it. The instructions given to the columns closing
round De Wet north of the Orange River are that all men are to be shot so
that no tales may be told. Also, the troops are told to loot freely from
every house, whether the men belonging to the house are fighting or not.
Dillon read from another letter by a soldier that had been published in the
Liverpool Courier: "Lord Kitchener has issued orders that no man has to
bring in any Boer prisoners. If he does, he has to give him half his rations
for the prisoner's keep." Dillon quoted a third letter by a soldier serving
with the Royal Welsh Regiment and published in the Wolverhampton Express and
Star: "We take no prisoners now ... There happened to be a few wounded Boers
left. We put them through the mill. Every one was killed."
On January 20, 1902, John Dillon once again expressed his outrage in the
House of Commons against Britain's "wholesale violation of one of the best
recognized usages of modern war, which forbids you to desolate or devastate
the country of the enemy and destroy the food supply on such a scale as to
reduce non-combatants to starvation." "What would have been said by
civilized mankind," Dillon asked, "if Germany on her march on Paris [in
1870] had turned the whole country into a howling wilderness and
concentrated the French women and children into camps where they died in
thousands? All civilized Europe would have rushed in to the rescue." note 20
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#32194>
Arming the Natives
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Kitchner.jpg>
British Commander-in-Chief Herbert Kitchener's "scorched earth" policies
against the Boers included burning their farmsteads, destruction of their
crops and livestock, and herding their women and children into concentration
camps.
Defying the prevailing racial sensibilities of the period, General Kitchener
supplied rifles to native black Africans to fight the white Boers.
Eventually the British armed at least 10,000 blacks, although the policy was
kept secret for fear of offending white public opinion, especially back
home. As it happens, the blacks proved to be poor soldiers, and in many
cases they murdered defenseless Boer women and children across the
countryside. The fate of the Boer women and children who escaped the hell of
the internment camps was therefore often more terrible than that of those
who did not.
In his January 1902 report, General Smuts described how the British
recruited black Africans:
In the Cape Colony the uncivilized Blacks have been told that if the Boers
win, slavery will be brought back in the Cape Colony. They have been
promised Boer property and farmsteads if they will join the English; that
the Boers will have to work for the Blacks, and that they will be able to
marry Boer women.
Arming the blacks, Smuts said, "represents the greatest crime which has ever
been perpetrated against the White race in South Africa." Boer commando
leader Jan Kemp similarly complained that the war was being fought "contrary
to civilized warfare on account of it being carried on in a great measure
with Kaffirs." note 21
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#94920> The arming of native
blacks was a major reason cited by the Boer leaders for finally giving up
the struggle: note 22 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#70761>
... The Kaffir tribes, within and without the frontiers of the territories
of the two republics, are mostly armed and are taking part in the war
against us, and through the committing of murders and all sorts of cruelties
have caused and unbearable condition of affairs in many districts of both
republics.
Concentration Camps
Britain's internment centers in South Africa soon became known as
concentration camps, a term adapted from the reconcentrado camps that
Spanish authorities in Cuba had set up to hold insurgents. note 23
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#14172>
A crusading 41-year-old English spinster, Emily Hobhouse, visited the South
Africa camps and, armed with this first-hand knowledge, alerted the world to
their horrors. She told of internees "... deprived of clothes ... the
semi-starvation in the camps ... the fever-stricken children lying... upon
the bare earth ... the appalling mortality." She also reported seeing open
trucks full of women and children, exposed to the icy rain of the plains,
sometimes left on railroad siding for days at a time, without food or
shelter. "In some camps," Hobhouse told lecture audiences and newspaper
readers back in England, "two and sometimes three different families live in
one tent. Ten and even twelve persons are forced into a single tent." Most
had to sleep on the ground. "These people will never ever forget what has
happened," She also declared. "The children have been the hardest hit. They
wither in the terrible heat and as a result of insufficient and improper
nourishment ... To maintain this kind of camp means nothing less than
murdering children." note 24
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#62573>
In a report to members of Parliament, Hobhouse described conditions in one
camp she had visited: note 25
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#23294>
... A six month old baby [is] gasping its life out on its mother's knee.
Next [tent]: a child recovering from measles sent back from hospital before
it could walk, stretched on the ground white and wan. Next a girl of 21 lay
dying on a stretcher. The father ... kneeling beside her, while his wife was
watching a child of six also dying and one of about five drooping. Already
this couple had lost three children.
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Hobhouse.jpg>
Emily Hobhouse
Hobhouse found that none of their hardships would shake the Boer women's
determination, not even seeing their own hungry children die before their
eyes. They "never express," she wrote, "a wish that their men must give way.
It must be fought out now, they think, to the bitter end."
Deadly epidemics -- typhoid, dysentery and (for children) measles -- broke
out in the camps and spread rapidly. During one three week period, an
epidemic at the camp at Brandfort killed nearly a tenth of the entire inmate
population. In the Mafeking camp, at one point there were 400 deaths a
month, most of them caused by typhoid, which worked out to an annual death
rate of 173 percent.
Altogether the British held 116,572 Boers in their South African internment
camps -- that is, about a fourth of the entire Boer population -- nearly all
of them women and children. After the war, an official government report
concluded that 27,927 Boers had died in the camps -- victims of disease,
undernourishment and exposure. Of these, 26,251 were women and children, of
whom 22,074 were children under the age of 16. Among the nearly 115,000
black Africans who were also interned in the British camps, nearly all of
whom were tenant workers and servants of the better-off Boers, it is
estimated that more than 12,000 died. note 26
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#35603>
After meeting with Hobhouse, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, leader of the
Liberal Party opposition (and future Prime Minister), publicly declared:
"When is a war not a war? When it is waged by methods of barbarism in South
Africa." This memorable phrase -- "methods of barbarism" -- quickly became
widely quoted, provoking both warm praise and angry condemnation. note 27
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#38235>
Most Englishmen, who supported their government's war policy, did not wish
to hear such talk. Echoing the widespread sentiment in favor of the war, the
London Times editorialized that Campbell-Bannerman's remarks were
irresponsible, if not subversive. The influential paper's reasoning
reflected the prevailing "my country, right or wrong" attitude. "When a
nation is committed to a serious struggle in which its position in the world
is at stake," the Times told its readers, "it is the duty of every citizen,
no matter what his opinion about the political quarrel, to abstain at the
very least from hampering and impeding the policy of his country, if he
cannot lend his active support." note 28
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#31116>
David Lloyd George, an MP who would later serve as his country's Prime
Minister during the First World War, accused the British authorities of
pursuing "a policy of extermination" against women and children. Granted, it
was not a direct policy, he said, but it was one that was having that
effect. "... The war is an outrage perpetrated in the name of human
freedom," Lloyd George protested. He also expressed concern over the impact
of these cruel policies on Britain's long-term interests: note 29
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#86558>
When children are being treated in this way and dying, we are simply ranging
the deepest passions of the human heart against British rule in Africa....
It will always be remembered that this is the way British rule started there
[in the Boer republics], and this is the method by which it was brought
about.
During a speech in Parliament on February 18, 1901, David Lloyd George
quoted from a letter by a British officer: "We move from valley to valley,
lifting cattle and sheep, burning and looting, and turning out women and
children to weep in despair beside the ruin of their once beautiful
homesteads." Lloyd George commented: "It is a war not against men, but
against women and children." note 30
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#40321>
"The conscience of Britain," historian Thomas Pakenham later observed, "was
stirred by the holocaust in the camps, just as the conscience of America was
stirred by the holocaust in Vietnam." It was largely as a result of public
outrage in Britain over conditions in the camps -- for which Emily Hobhouse
deserves much of the credit -- that measures were eventually taken that
sharply reduced the death rate. note 31
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#22972>
Propaganda
In this war, as in so many others, propagandists churned out a stream of
malicious lies to generate popular backing for the aggression and killing.
British newspapers, churchmen and war correspondents invented hundreds of
fake atrocity stories that portrayed the Boers as treacherous and arrogant
brutes. These included numerous shocking claims alleging that Boer soldiers
massacred pro-British civilians, that Boer civilians murdered British
soldiers, and that Boers executed fellow-Boers who wanted to surrender.
"There was virtually no limit to such invention," historian Phillip
Knightley has noted.
A widely shown newsreel film purported to show Boers attacking a Red Cross
tent while British doctors and nurses treat the wounded. Actually this fake
had been shot with actors on Hampstead Heath, a suburb of London. note 32
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#95678>
Exposing the War-Makers
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_courtroom.jpg>
Courtroom scene from the 1980 Australian film "Breaker Morant," which
highlighted the British policy of shooting Boer prisoners during the war in
South Africa. The film dramatized the case of several Australians serving
with the Bush Veldt Carbineers, a special "anti-commando" unit, who were
tried and executed in February 1902 for having shot twelve Boer prisoners.
In the award-winning film, Edward Woodward played the role of Lt. "Breaker"
Morant.
In the United States, as in most of Europe, public interest in the conflict
was keen. Although public sentiment in these countries was largely pro-Boer
and anti-British, the government leaders -- fearful of the adverse
consequences of defying Britain -- were publicly pro-British, or at least
studiously neutral.
William Jennings Bryan, Andrew Carnegie and many other Americans were
embarrassed by the striking parallel between US and British policy of the
day: just as Britain was forcibly subduing the Boers in southern Africa,
American troops were brutally suppressing native fighters for independence
in the newly-acquired Philippines. Echoing a widespread American sentiment
of the day, Mark Twain declared: "I think that England sinned when she got
herself into a war in South Africa which she could have avoided, just as we
have sinned in getting into a similar war in the Philippines." In spite of
such sentiment, the government of President McKinley and the jingoistic
newspapers of William Randolph Hearst sided with Britain. note 33
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#40019>
But even in Britain itself, there was considerable opposition to the war. In
the House of Commons, Liberal MP Philip Stanhope (later Baron Weardale)
introduced a resolution expressing disapproval of Britain's military
campaign against the Boer republics. In tracing the war's origins, he said:
note 34 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#24394>
Accordingly, the [pro-British] South African League was formed, and Mr.
Rhodes and his associates -- generally of the German Jew extraction -- found
money in thousands for its propaganda. By this league in [British] South
Africa and here [in Britain] they have poisoned the wells of public
knowledge. Money has been lavished in the London world and in the press, and
the result has been that little by little public opinion has been wrought up
and inflamed, and now, instead of finding the English people dealing with
this matter in a truly English spirit, we are dealing with it in a spirit
which generations to come will condemn ...
Opposition in Britain to the war came especially from the political left.
The Social Democratic Federation (SDF), led by Henry M. Hyndman, was
especially outspoken. Justice, the SDF weekly, had already warned its
readers in 1896 that "Beit, Barnato and their fellow-Jews" were aiming for
"an Anglo-Hebraic Empire in Africa stretching from Egypt to Cape Colony,
designed to swell their "overgrown fortunes." Since 1890, the SDF had
repeatedly cautioned against the pernicious influence of "capitalist Jews on
the London press." When war broke out in 1899, Justice declared that the
"Semitic lords of the press" had successfully propagandized Britain into a
"criminal war of aggression." note 35
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#70418>
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_George.jpg>
David Lloyd George, an influential Member of Parliament who would later
serve as his country's Prime Minister during the First World War, accused
Britain of waging a "war of extermination" against Boer women and children.
Opposition to the war was similarly strong in the British labor movement. In
September 1900, the Trades Union Congress passed a resolution condemning the
Anglo-Boer war as one designed "to secure the gold fields of South Africa
for cosmopolitan Jews, most of whom had no patriotism and no country." note
36 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#82415>
No member of the House of Commons spoke out more vigorously against the war
than John Burns, Labour MP for Battersea. The former SDF member had gained
national prominence as a staunch defender of the British workingman during
his leadership of the dockworkers' strike of 1889. "Wherever we examine,
there is the financial Jew," Burns declared in the House on February 6,
1900, "operating, directing, inspiring the agencies that have led to this
war."
"The trail of the financial serpent is over this war from beginning to end."
The British army, Burns said, had traditionally been the "Sir Galahad of
History." But in Africa it had become the "janissary of the Jews." note 37
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#56962>
Burns was a legendary fighter for the rights of the British worker, a
tireless champion of environmental reform, women's rights and improved
municipal services. Even Cecil Rhodes had referred to him as "the most
eloquent leader of the British democracy." It was not merely the Jewish role
in Capitalism that alarmed Burns. To his diary he once confided that "the
undoing of England is within the confines of our afternoon journey amongst
the Jews" of East London. note 38
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#38865>
Irish nationalist Members of Parliament had special reason to sympathize
with the Boers, whom they regarded -- like the people of Ireland -- as
fellow victims of British duplicity and oppression. One Irish MP, Michael
Davitt, even resigned his seat in the House of Commons in "personal and
political protest against a war which I believe to be the greatest infamy of
the nineteenth century." note 39
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#91169>
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Rhodes.jpg>
At the age of 23, Cecil Rhodes wrote of his great goal: "Why should we not
form a secret society with but one object, the furtherance of the British
Empire and the bringing of the whole uncivilized world under British rule,
for the recovery of the United States, for the making the Anglo-Saxon race
but one Empire? What a dream, but yet it is probable, it is possible,"
(Source: A. Thomas, "Rhodes," 1997, p. 6.)
One of the most influential campaigners against the "Jew-imperialist design"
in South Africa was John A. Hobson (1858-1940), a prominent journalist and
economist. note 40 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#45129>
In 1899 the Manchester Guardian sent him to South Africa to report
first-hand for its readers on the situation there. During his three month
investigation, Hobson became convinced that a small group of Jewish
"Randlords" was essentially responsible for the strife and conflict. note 41
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#19734>
In a Guardian article dispatched from Johannesburg just a few weeks before
the outbreak of the war, he told readers of the influential liberal daily:
note 42 <http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#37838>
In Johannesburg the Boer population is a mere handful of officials and their
families, some five thousand of the population; the rest is about evenly
divided between white settlers, mostly from Great Britain, and the [native
black] Kaffirs, who are everywhere in White Man's Africa the hewers of wood
and the drawers of water.
The town is in some respects dominantly and even aggressively British, but
British with a difference which it takes some little time to understand.
That difference is due to the Jewish factor. If one takes the recent figures
of the census, there appears to be less than seven thousand Jews in
Johannesburg, but the experience of the street rapidly exposes this fallacy
of figures. The shop fronts and business houses, the market place, the
saloons, the "stoops" of the smart suburban houses and sufficient to
convince one of the large presence of the chosen people. If any doubt
remains, a walk outside the Exchange, where in the streets, "between the
chains," the financial side of the gold business is transacted, will dispel
it.
So far as wealth and power and even numbers are concerned Johannesburg is
essentially a Jewish town. Most of these Jews figure as British subjects,
though many are in fact German and Russian Jews who have come to Africa
after a brief sojourn in England. The rich, rigorous, and energetic
financial and commercial families are chiefly English Jews, not a few of
whom here, as elsewhere, have Anglicised their names after true parasitic
fashion. I lay stress on this fact because, though everyone knows the Jews
are strong, their real strength here is much underestimated. Though figures
are so misleading, it is worth while to mention that the directory of
Johannesburg shows 68 Cohens against 21 Joneses and 53 Browns.
The Jews take little active part in the Outlander agitation; they let others
do that sort of work. But since half of the land and nine-tenths of the
wealth of the Transvaal claimed for the Outlander are chiefly theirs, they
will be chief gainers by an settlement advantageous to the Outlander.
In an influential book published in 1900, The War in South Africa, Hobson
warned and admonished his fellow countrymen: note
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#70031>
43
We are fighting in order to place a small international oligarchy of
mine-owners and speculators in power at Pretoria. Englishmen will surely do
well to recognize that the economic and political destinies of South Africa
are, and seem likely to remain, in the hands of men most of whom are
foreigners by origin, whose trade is finance, and whose trade interests are
not chiefly British.
Anti-imperialist and working-class circles acclaimed Hobson's widely read
work. Commenting on it, the weekly Labour Leader, semi-official organ of the
Independent Labour Party, noted: "Modern imperialism is really run by half a
dozen financial houses, many of them Jewish, to whom politics is a counter
in the game of buying and selling securities."note 44
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#65956> In a January 1900
essay, Labour Leader editor (and MP) J. Keir Hardie told readers: note 45
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#25711>
The war is a capitalist' war, begotten by capitalists' money, lied into
being by a perjured mercenary capitalist press, and fathered by unscrupulous
politicians, themselves the merest tools of the capitalists ... As
Socialists, our sympathies are bound to be with the Boers. Their Republican
form of Government bespeaks freedom, and is thus hateful to tyrants ...
Defeat
As the year 1900 drew to a close, British forces held the major Boer towns,
including the capitals of the two republics, as well as the main Boer
railway lines. Paul Kruger, the man who personified his people's resistance
to alien rule, had been forced into exile. By the end of 1901, the Boers'
military forces had been reduced to some 25,000 men in the field, deployed
in scattered and largely un-coordinated commando units. The hard-pressed
defenders had only a shadow of a central government.
In the spring of 1902, with their land almost entirely under enemy
occupation, and their remaining fighters threatened with annihilation and
militarily outnumbered six to one, the Boers sued for peace. On May 31,
1902, their leaders concluded 33 months of heroic struggle against greatly
superior forces by signing a treaty that recognized King Edward VII as their
sovereign. President Kruger learned of the surrender while living in
European exile, far from his beloved homeland. After devoting his life to
his cherished dream of a self-reliant white people's republic, he died in
1904 in Switzerland, a blind and broken man.
Conclusion
<http://www.ihr.org/images/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Milner.jpg>
Sir Alfred Milner, British High Commissioner for South Africa.
When the fighting began in October 1899, the British confidently expected
their troops to victoriously conclude the conflict by Christmas. But this
actually proved to be the longest, costliest, bloodiest and most humiliating
war fought by Britain between 1815 and 1914. Even though the military forces
mobilized in South Africa by the world's greatest imperial power outnumbered
the Boer fighters by nearly five to one, they required almost three years to
completely subdue the tough pioneer people of fewer than half a million.
Britain deployed some 336,000 imperial and 83,000 colonial troops -- or
448,000 altogether. Of this force, 22,000 found a grave in South Africa,
14,000 of them succumbing to sickness. For their part, the two Boer
republics were able to mobilize 87,360 fighters, a force that included 2,120
foreign volunteers and 13,300 Boer-related Afrikaners from the British-ruled
Cape and Natal provinces. In addition to the more than 7,000 Boer fighters
who lost their lives, some 28,000 Boers perished in the British
concentration camps -- nearly all of them women and children. note 46
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#96546>
The war's non-human costs were similarly appalling. As part of Kitchener's
"scorched-earth" campaign, British troops wrought terrible destruction
throughout the rural Boer areas, especially in the Orange Free State.
Outside of the largest towns, hardly a building was left intact. Perhaps a
tenth of the prewar horses, cows and other farm stock remained. In much of
the Boer lands, no crops had been sown for two years. note 47
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#93676>
Even by the standards of the time (and certainly by those of today), British
political and military leaders committed frightful war crimes and crimes
against humanity against the Boers of South Africa -- crimes for which no
one was ever brought to account. General Kitchener, for one, was never
punished for introducing measures that even a future prime minister called
"methods of barbarism." To the contrary, after concluding his South African
service he was named a viscount and a field marshal, and then, at the
outbreak of the First World War, was appointed Secretary of War. Upon his
death in 1916, he was remembered not as a criminal, but rather idolized as a
personification of British virtue and rectitude.note
<http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v18/v18n3p14_Weber.html#77948>
48
In a sense, the Anglo-Boer conflict was less a war between combatants than a
military campaign against civilians. The number of Boer women and children
who perished in the concentration camps was four times as large as the
number of Boer fighting men who died (of all causes) during the war. In
fact, more children under the age of 16 perished in the British camps than
men were killed in action on both sides.
The boundless greed of the Jewish "gold bugs" coincided with the
imperialistic aims of British Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain, the
dreams of gold and diamond baron Cecil Rhodes, and the political ambitions
of Alfred Milner. On the altar of their avarice and ambition, they
sacrificed the lives of some 30,000 people who wanted only to live in
freedom, as well as 22,000 young men of Britain and her dominions.
At its core, Britain's leaders were willing to sacrifice the lives of many
of her own sons, and to kill men, women and children in a far-away
continent, to add to the wealth and power of an already immensely wealthy
and powerful worldwide empire. Few wars during the past one hundred years
were as avoidable, or as patently crass in motivation as was the South
African War of 1899-1902.
_____
Notes
1. M. Davitt, The Boer Fight For Freedom, p. 425. See also: A. Thomas,
Rhodes, pp. 143-144; F. Welsh, South Africa: A Narrative History, p. 303;
"Kruger, Stephanus Johannes Paulus," Encyclopaedia Britannica (Chicago),
1957 edition, vol. 13, pp. 506-507.
2. F. Welsh, South Africa: A Narrative History, p. 302.
3. A. Thomas, Rhodes, pp. 172-181; Reader's Digest Association, Illustrated
History of South Africa, p. 174; See also S. Kanfer, The Last Empire, esp.
pp. 96, 101-111.
4. See S. Kanfer, The Last Empire.
5. J. Flint, Cecil Rhodes, pp. 86-93. See also: P. Emden, Randlords (1935).
6. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, pp. 86-87.
7. G. Saron and L. Hotz, eds., The Jews in South Africa, pp. 193-194.
8. Report of the Select Committee of the Cape of Good Hope House of Assembly
on the Jameson Raid (1897), pp. 165, 167.
9. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, pp. xxv, 87, 121; A. Thomas, Rhodes, p. 284.
10. A. Thomas, Rhodes, pp. 284-304; S. Kanfer, The Last Empire, pp. 129-131;
Chamberlain's speech of Nov. 11, 1895, is also quoted in: Robin W. Winks,
ed., British Imperialism (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967), p.
80.
11. G. Saron & L. Hotz, eds., The Jews in South Africa (1955), pp. 193-194;
Second Report from the Select Committee on British South Africa (1897), p.
vii.
12. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, p. 1. Also quoted in: A. Thomas, Rhodes, p.
337.
13. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, p. 88.
14. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, p. 518.
15. T. Pakenham, Scramble, p. 558.
16. Claire Hirshfield, "The Boer War and the Issue of Jewish Responsibility"
(1978), p. 4.
17. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, pp. 90-92, 103, 104, 107.
18. P. Knightley, The First Casualty (1976), pp. 77-78.
19. Quoted in: Phillip Knightley, The First Casualty, p. 75.
20. W. Ziegler, ed., Ein Dokumentenwerk Über die Englische Humanität (1940),
p. 199.
21. Reader's Digest Association, Illustrated History of South Africa, p.
246.
22. Reader's Digest Association, Illustrated History of South Africa, p.
246.
23. During the American Civil War, Union forces rounded up large numbers of
civilians who were considered hostile to Federal authority and interned them
in "posts." President Truman's grandmother, with six of her children, was
held in one such "post," which Truman said was really a "concentration
camp." Source: Merle Miller, Plain Speaking: An Oral Biography of Harry S.
Truman (New York: 1974), pp. 78-79. See also: M. Weber "The Civil War
Concentration Camps," The Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1981, p. 143.
In September 1918, the fledgling Soviet government issued a decree that
ordered: "It is essential to protect the Soviet Republic from class enemies
by isolating them in concentration camps." Sources: D. Volkogonov, Lenin: A
New Biography (New York: 1994), p. 234; M. Heller & A. Nekrich, Utopia in
Power (New York: 1986), p. 66.
24. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, pp. 533-539; T. Pakenham, Scramble, pp. 578;
A rather detailed report by Hobhouse about the camps is in: S. Koss, The
Pro-Boers, pp. 198-207.
25. P. Knightley, The First Casualty, pp. 75-76. Source cited: UK Public
Record Office, W.O. 32/8061.
26. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, pp. 607; T. Pakenham, Scramble, pp. 578-579;
Reader's Digest Association, Illustrated History of South Africa, p. 256.
27. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, p. 534, 540-541; S. Koss, The Pro-Boers, pp.
216, 238.
28. S. Koss, The Pro-Boers, pp. 238-239 (note)
29. P. Knightley, The First Casualty, p. 72; T. Pakenham, The Boer War, pp.
539-540.
30. In a speech on Nov. 27, 1899, Lloyd George said that the Uitlanders on
whose behalf Britain had presumably gone to war were German Jews. Right or
wrong, the Boers were better than the people Britain was defending in South
Africa. And in a speech on July 25, 1900, Lloyd George said: "... A war of
annexation, however, against a proud people must be a war of extermination,
and that is unfortunately what it seems we are committing ourselves to --
burning homesteads and turning women and children out of their homes."
Source: Bentley Brinkerhoff Gilbert, David Lloyd George: A Political Life
(Ohio State Univ. Press, 1987), pp. 183, 191.
31. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, pp. 547-548.
32. P. Knightley, The First Casualty, pp. 72, 73, 75.
33. Byron Farwell, "Taking Sides in the Boer War," American Heritage, April
1976, pp. 22, 24, 25.
34. Speech of October 18, 1899. S. Koss, The Pro-Boers, p. 43.
35. C. Hirshfield, "The Boer War and the Issue of Jewish Responsibility"
(1978), pp. 5, 15; Robert S. Wistrich, Antisemitism (1992), p. 105-106, p.
281 (n. 10, 11). Source cited: C. Hirshfield, "The British Left and the
'Jewish Conspiracy'," Jewish Social Studies, Spring 1981, pp. 105-107.
36. C. Hirshfield, "The Boer War and the Issue of Jewish Responsibility,"
pp. 11, 20; Also quoted in: Robert S. Wistrich, Antisemitism (1992), p. 281
(n. 11). Source cited: C. Hirshfield, "The British Left and the 'Jewish
Conspiracy'," Jewish Social Studies, Spring 1981, pp. 106-107.
37. C. Hirshfield, "The Boer War and the Issue of Jewish Responsibility,"
pp. 10, 20. Burns' speech of Feb. 6, 1990, is also quoted in part in S.
Koss, The Pro-Boers, pp. 94-95. It is also quoted (although not entirely
accurately) in: R. S. Wistrich, Antisemitism (1992), p. 281 (n. 11). Source
cited: C. Hirshfield, "The British Left and the 'Jewish Conspiracy'," Jewish
Social Studies, Spring 1981, p. 105.
38. C. Hirshfield, "The Boer War and the Issue of Jewish Responsibility,"
pp. 10, 20.
39. An excerpt of Davitt's speech of October 17, 1899, is given in: S. Koss,
The Pro-Boers, pp. 33-34. Davitt also wrote a book, The Boer Fight For
Freedom, published in 1902.
40. Hobson is perhaps best known as the author of Imperialism: A Study, a
classic treatise on the subject first published in 1902.
41. C. Hirshfield, "The Boer War and the Issue of Jewish Responsibility,"
pp. 13, 23; J. A. Hobson, The War in South Africa: Its Causes and Effects
(1900 and 1969), p. 189.
42. J. A. Hobson, "Johannesburg Today," Manchester Guardian, Sept. 28, 1899.
Reprinted in: S. Koss, The Pro-Boers, pp. 26-27.
43. J. A. Hobson, The War in South Africa, p. 197.
44. C. Hirshfield, "The Boer War and the Issue of Jewish Responsibility,"
pp. 13, 23.
45. S. Koss, The Pro-Boers, p. 54.
46. T. Pakenham, The Boer War, pp. 607-608; T. Pakenham, Scramble, p. 581.
47. F. Welsh, South Africa: A Narrative History (1999), p. 343.
48. In his honor, the city of Berlin in Ontario province, Canada, was
renamed Kitchener in 1916, a move that reflected the anti-German hysteria of
the day.
Bibliography
Barbary, James. The Boer War. New York: 1969.
Davitt, Michael. The Boer Fight For Freedom. New York: 1902 and 1972.
Emden, Paul. Randlords, London: 1935.
Farwell, Byron. The Great Anglo-Boer War. New York & London: 1976.
Farwell, Byron. "Taking Sides in the Boer War," American Heritage, April
1976, pp. 20-25, 92-97.
Flint, John. Cecil Rhodes. Boston: 1974.
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Pakenham, Thomas. The Boer War. New York: Random House, 1979.
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Saron, Gustav and Louis Hotz, eds. The Jews in South Africa. Oxford: 1955.
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Spies, S. B. Methods of Barbarism?: Roberts and Kitchener and Civilians in
the Boer Republics. Cape Town: 1977.
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Kind regards,
Chris
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