Leo Strauss and Neo-Conservatism http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/article_details.php?id=7335 Some excerpts: This brief summary makes it clear, I hope, that Strauss was not the "profoundly tribal and fascistic thinker" described by Drury. But neither is he a figure with whom liberal democrats can feel entirely comfortable. His support for them is at best pragmatic and provisional; it amounts to little more than the recognition that "at present democracy is the only practicable alternative to various forms of tyranny." Nowhere does Strauss acknowledge freedom or equality as intrinsic goods. Their value, for him, is instrumental; they create a space in which excellence can flourish. "We cannot forget? that by giving freedom to all, democracy also gives freedom to those who care for human excellence. No one prevents us from cultivating our garden or from setting up outposts which may come to be regarded by many citizens as salutary to the republic and as deserving of giving to it its tone." Strauss, in short, is an unashamed elitist, in the best tradition of the German professoriat. This in itself is enough to mark him as a fascist in the eyes of some commentators. Modern neoconservatism has moved a long way from Strauss. It has shed his cultural pessimism, his elitism, his old world scepticism. "Many neoconservatives," wrote Irving Kristol in 1979, "find him [Strauss] somewhat too wary of modernity." Strauss was opposed to all grandiose schemes of political redemption. He was a conservative, not a neoconservative; he revered prudence as "the god of this lower world" and praised the classics for realising that "evil cannot be eradicated and therefore ? one's expectations from politics must be moderate." The attempt to impose democracy across the globe would have struck him as folly. But even if it has departed from Strauss, contemporary neoconservatism nonetheless grows out of a typically Straussian anxiety. As we saw, Strauss viewed the cultivation of virtue as the end of politics. But virtue implies sacrifice, and sacrifice implies an ideal. The trouble with liberalism is that it tends to relativise all ideals, to reduce them to mere opinions. Sacrifice becomes impossible, and politics in the true sense gives way to economic management. As a result, human beings sink into a purely private existence?a condition described by Alexandre Kojève, a French philosopher and friend of Strauss's, as "the animalisation of man." ... But the problem with the neoconservative version of liberalism is that it is not really liberal at all. Classical Anglo-American liberalism was emphatically not a "fighting faith." It was sceptical of all extreme faiths, religious and political. And although it fought when it had to, against aggressors such as Napoleon and Hitler, its preferred means of promulgation were trade, enlightenment and international law. The new liberalism is quite different. It is no longer cosmopolitan, but nationalist; no longer pacific, but warlike; no longer sceptical, but zealous. Its model is Israel, that artefact of political and military will. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Tired of spam? Yahoo! Mail has the best spam protection around http://mail.yahoo.com ------------------------------------------------------------------ To change your Lit-Ideas settings (subscribe/unsub, vacation on/off, digest on/off), visit www.andreas.com/faq-lit-ideas.html