[lit-ideas] Koranic duels

  • From: JimKandJulieB@xxxxxxx
  • To: lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
  • Date: Wed, 9 Feb 2005 07:56:36 EST

_http://news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=story&cid=2326&u=/csm/oduelingclerics&printer
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(http://news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=story&cid=2326&u=/csm/oduelingclerics&printer=1)
 
 
Koranic duels ease terror

Sun Feb 6,10:20 AM ET

In Yemen, a  theological contest cools Al Qaeda hotbed. 
By James Brandon, Contributor to  The Christian Science Monitor 
SANAA, YEMEN - When Judge Hamoud al-Hitar  announced that he and four other 
Islamic scholars would challenge Yemen's Al  Qaeda prisoners to a theological 
contest, Western antiterrorism experts warned  that this high-stakes gamble 
would end in disaster. 

Nervous as he  faced five captured, yet defiant, Al Qaeda members in a Sanaa 
prison, Judge  Hitar was inclined to agree. But banishing his doubts, the 
youthful cleric threw  down the gauntlet, in the hope of bringing peace to his 
troubled homeland.  
"If you can convince us that your ideas are justified by the Koran, then we  
will join you in your struggle," Hitar told the militants. "But if we succeed 
in  convincing you of our ideas, then you must agree to renounce violence." 
The  prisoners eagerly agreed. 
Now, two years later, not only have those  prisoners been released, but a 
relative peace reigns in Yemen. And the same  Western experts who doubted this 
experiment are courting Hitar, eager to hear  how his "theological dialogues" 
with captured Islamic militants have helped  pacify this wild and mountainous 
country, previously seen by the US as a failed  state, like Iraq and 
Afghanistan. 
"Since December 2002, when the first round  of the dialogues ended, there 
have been no terrorist attacks here, even though  many people thought that 
Yemen 
would become terror's capital," says Hitar, eyes  glinting shrewdly from 
beneath his emerald-green turban. "Three hundred and  sixty-four young men have 
been released after going through the dialogues and  none of these have left 
Yemen to fight anywhere else." 
"Yemen's strategy has  been unconventional certainly, but it has achieved 
results that we could never  have hoped for," says one European diplomat, who 
did 
not want to be named.  "Yemen has gone from being a potential enemy to 
becoming an indispensable ally  in the war on terror." 
To be sure, the prisoner-release program is not  solely responsible for the 
absence of attacks in Yemen. The government has  undertaken a range of measures 
to combat terrorism from closing down extreme  madrassahs, the Islamic 
schools sometimes accused of breeding hate, to deporting  foreign militants. 
Eager to spread the news of his success, Hitar welcomes  foreigners into his 
home, fussing over them and pouring endless cups of tea. But  beyond the 
otherwise nondescript house, a sense of menace lurks. Two military  jeeps are 
parked outside, and soldiers peer through the gathering dark at  passing cars. 
The 
evening wind sweeps through the unpaved streets, lifting  clouds of dust and 
whipping up men's jackets to expose belts hung with daggers,  pistols, and 
mobile telephones. 
Seated amid stacks of Korans and religious  texts, Hitar explains that his 
system is simple. He invites militants to use the  Koran to justify attacks on 
innocent civilians and when they cannot, he shows  them numerous passages 
commanding Muslims not to attack civilians, to respect  other religions, and 
fight 
only in self-defense. 
For example, he quotes:  "Whoever kills a soul, unless for a soul, or for 
corruption done in the land -  it is as if he had slain all mankind entirely. 
And, whoever saves one, it is as  if he had saved mankind entirely." He uses 
the 
passage to bolster his argument  against bombing Western targets in Yemen - 
attacks he says defy the Koran. And,  he says, the Koran says under no 
circumstances should women and children be  killed. 
If, after weeks of debate, the prisoners renounce violence they are  released 
and offered vocational training courses and help to find jobs.  
Hitar's belief that hardened militants trained by Osama bin Laden (news -  
web sites) in Afghanistan could change their stripes was initially dismissed by 
 
US diplomats in Sanaa as dangerously naive, but the methods of the scholarly  
cleric have little in common with the other methods of fighting extremism.  
Instead of lecturing or threatening the battle-hardened militants, he listens 
to  them. 
"An important part of the dialogue is mutual respect," says Hitar.  "Along 
with acknowledging freedom of expression, intellect and opinion, you must  
listen and show interest in what the other party is saying." 
Only after  winning the militants' trust does Hitar gradually begin to 
correct their  beliefs. He says that most militants are ordinary people who 
have 
been led  astray. Just as they were taught Al Qaeda's doctrines, he says, so 
too 
can they  be taught more- moderate ideas. "If you study terrorism in the 
world, you will  see that it has an intellectual theory behind it," says Hitar. 
"And any kind of  intellectual idea can be defeated by intellect." 
The program's success  surprised even Hitar. For years Yemen was synonymous 
with violent Islamic  extremism. The ancestral homeland of Mr. bin Laden, it 
provided two-thirds of  recruits for his Afghan camps, and was notorious for 
kidnappings of foreigners  and the bombing of the American warship USS Cole 
(news 
- web sites) in 2000 that  killed 17 sailors. Resisting US pressure, Yemen 
declined to meet violence with  violence. 
"It's only logical to tackle these people through their brains and  heart," 
says Faris Sanabani, a former adviser to President Abdullah Saleh and  
editor-in-chief of the Yemen Observer, a weekly English-language newspaper. "If 
 you 
beat these people up they become more stubborn. If you hit them, they will  
enjoy the pain and find something good in it - it is a part of their ideology.  
Instead, what we must do is erase what they have been taught and explain to 
them  that terrorism will only harm Yemenis' jobs and prospects. Once they 
understand  this they become fighters for freedom and democracy, and fighters 
for 
the true  Islam," he says. 
Some freed militants were so transformed that they led the  army to hidden 
weapons caches and offered the Yemeni security services advice on  tackling 
Islamic militancy. A spectacular success came in 2002 when Abu Ali al  Harithi, 
Al 
Qaeda's top commander in Yemen, was assassinated by a US air-strike  
following a tip-off from one of Hitar's reformed militants. 
Yet despite the  apparent success in Yemen, some US diplomats have criticized 
it for apparently  letting Islamic militants off the hook with little 
guarantee that they won't  revert to their old ways once released from prison. 
Yemen, however, argues  that holding and punishing all militants would create 
only further discontent,  pointing out that the actual perpetrators of 
attacks have all been prosecuted,  with the bombers of the USS Cole and the 
French 
oil tanker, the SS Limburg. All  received death sentences. 
"Yemeni goals are long-term political aims whereas  the American agenda 
focuses on short-term prosecution of military or law  enforcement objectives," 
wrote Charles Schmitz, a specialist in Yemeni affairs,  in 2004 report for the 
Jamestown Foundation, an influential US think tank.  
"These goals are not necessarily contradictory, with each government  
recognizing that compromises and accommodations must be made, but their  
ambiguities 
create tense moments." 
Some members of the Yemeni government  also hanker for a more iron-fisted 
approach, and Yemen remains on high alert for  further attacks. Fighter planes 
regularly swoop low over the ancient mud-brick  city of Sanaa to send a clear 
message to any would-be militants. 
An  additional cause of friction with the US is that while Yemen successfully 
 discourages attacks within its borders on the grounds that tourism and trade 
 will suffer, it has done little to tackle anti-Western sentiment or the  
corruption, poverty, and lack of opportunity that fuels Islamic militancy.  
"Yemen still faces serious challenges, but despite the odd hiccup, we  
sometimes have to admit that Yemenis know Yemen best," says the European  
diplomat. 
"And if their system works, who are we to complain?" 
As the  relative success of Yemen's unusual approach becomes apparent, Hitar 
has been  invited to speak to antiterrorism specialists at London's New 
Scotland Yard, as  well as to French and German police, hoping to defuse 
growing 
militancy among  Muslim immigrants. 
US diplomats have also approached the cleric to see if  his methods can be 
applied in Iraq, says Hitar. 
"Before the dialogues began,  there was only one way to fight terrorism, and 
that was through force," he says.  "Now there is another way: dialogue." 
 
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