FISK: Grandiose Folly--The Political Capital of 911

  • From: "I Khan" <no1khan@xxxxxxxxxxx>
  • To: <imran_dist@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
  • Date: Sun, 14 Sep 2003 13:30:21 +0100

FISK: Grandiose Folly--The Political Capital of 911
Sep 13, 2003 
By Robert Fisk, The Independent

When the attacks were launched against the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon 
two years ago today, who had ever heard of Fallujah or Hillah? When the 
Lebanese hijacker flew his plane into the ground in Pennsylvania, who would 
ever have believed that President George Bush would be announcing a "new front 
line in the war on terror" as his troops embarked on a hopeless campaign 
against the guerrillas of Iraq?

Who could ever have conceived of an American president calling the world to 
arms against "terrorism" in "Afghanistan, Iraq and Gaza"? Gaza? What do the 
miserable, crushed, cruelly imprisoned Palestinians of Gaza have to do with the 
international crimes against humanity in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania?

Nothing, of course. Neither does Iraq have anything to do with 11 September. 
Nor were there any weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, any al-Qa'ida links 
with Iraq, any 45-minute timeline for the deployment of chemical weapons nor 
was there any "liberation".

No, the attacks on 11 September have nothing to do with Iraq. Neither did 11 
September change the world. President Bush cruelly manipulated the grief of the 
American people--and the sympathy of the rest of the world--to introduce a 
"world order" dreamed up by a clutch of fantasists advising the Secretary of 
Defence, Donald Rumsfeld.

The Iraqi "regime change", as we now know, was planned as part of a 
Perle-Wolfowitz campaign document to the would-be Israeli prime minister 
Benjamin Netanyahu years before Bush came to power. It beggars belief that Tony 
Blair should have signed up to this nonsense without realising that it was no 
more nor less than a project invented by a group of pro-Israeli American 
neo-conservatives and right-wing Christian fundamentalists.

But even now, we are fed more fantasy. Afghanistan--its American-paid warlords 
raping and murdering their enemies, its women still shrouded for the most part 
in their burqas, its opium production now back as the world's number one export 
market, and its people being killed at up to a hundred a week (five American 
troops were shot dead two weekends ago) is a "success", something which Messrs 
Bush and Rumsfeld still boast about. Iraq--a midden of guerrilla hatred and 
popular resentment--is also a "success". Yes, Bush wants $87bn to keep Iraq 
running, he wants to go back to the same United Nations he condemned as a 
"talking shop" last year, he wants scores of foreign armies to go to Iraq to 
share the burdens of occupation--though not, of course, the decision-making, 
which must remain Washington's exclusive imperial preserve.

What's more, the world is supposed to accept the insane notion that the 
Israeli-Palestinian conflict--the planet's last colonial war, although all 
mention of the illegal Jewish colonies in the West Bank and Gaza have been 
erased from the Middle East narrative in the American press--is part of the 
"war on terror", the cosmic clash of religious will that President Bush 
invented after 11 September. Could Israel's interests be better served by so 
infantile a gesture from Bush?

The vicious Palestinian suicide bombers and the grotesque implantation of Jews 
and Jews only in the colonies has now been set into this colossal struggle of 
"good" against "evil", in which even Ariel Sharon--named as "personally" 
responsible for the 1982 Sabra and Chatila massacre by Israel's own commission 
of inquiry--is "a man of peace", according to Mr Bush.

And new precedents are set without discussion. Washington kills the leadership 
of its enemies with impunity: it tries to kill Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar 
and does kill Uday and Qusay Hussein and boasts of its prowess in "liquidating" 
the al-Qa'ida leadership from rocket-firing "drones". It tries to kill Saddam 
in Baghdad and slaughters 16 civilians and admits that the operation was "not 
risk-free". In Afghanistan, three men have now been murdered in the US 
interrogation centre at Bagram. We still don't know what really goes on in 
Guantanamo.

What do these precedents mean? I have a dark suspicion. From now on, our 
leaders, our politicians, our statesmen will be fair game too. If we go for the 
jugular, why shouldn't they? The killing of the UN's Sergio Vieira de Mello, 
was not, I think, a chance murder. Hamas's most recent statements--and since 
they've been added to the Bush circus of evil, we should take them 
seriously--are now, more than ever, personally threatening Mr Sharon. Why 
should we expect any other leader to be safe? If Yasser Arafat is driven into 
exile yet again, will there be any restraints left?

Of course, America's enemies were a grisly bunch. Saddam soiled his country 
with the mass graves of the innocents, Mullah Omar allowed his misogynist 
legions to terrify an entire society in Afghanistan. But in their absence, we 
have created banditry, rape, kidnapping, guerrilla war and anarchy. And all in 
the name of the dead of 11 September. The future of the Middle East--which is 
what 11 September was partly about, though we are not allowed to say so--has 
never looked bleaker or more bloody. The United States and Britain are trapped 
in a war of their own making, responsible for their own appalling predicament 
but responsible, too, for the lives of thousands of innocent human beings--cut 
to pieces by American bombs in Afghanistan and Iraq, shot down in the streets 
of Iraq by trigger-happy GIs.

As for "terror", our enemies are closing in on our armies in Iraq and our 
supposed allies in Baghdad and Afghanistan--even in Pakistan. We have done all 
this in the name of the dead of 11 September. Not since the Second World War 
have we seen folly on this scale. And it has scarcely begun. 

Robert Fisk is a reporter for The Independent and author of Pity the Nation. He 
is also a contributor to Cockburn and St. Clair's forthcoming book, The 
Politics of Anti-Semitism.

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