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Subject: [NIEM] EUA
http://www.mdzol.com/opinion/7 03208-los-miedos-que-ayudaron- a-trump/
Los miedos que ayudaron a Trump
El mundo lo resistió, los actores de Hollywood hicieron campaña en su contra y
en los sondeos previos nadie lo daba ganador. Pese a ello, su discurso
nacionalista y xenófobo lo llevó a la Casa Blanca.9 de Noviembre de 2016
No hay dudas de que la victoria de Donald Trump es un llamado de atención a la
estirpe política de Estados Unidos. Ayer, los ciudadanos eligieron arriesgar y
votaron por una incógnita. Un hombre capaz de patear el tablero y que va de
frente, sin la obligación de ser "polite" o mesurar su discurso para no herir
al electorado. Pero el triunfo del candidato republicano no sólo es una
revancha de un pueblo defraudado contra la dirigencia tradicional. También es
el encumbramiento de los sectores racistas, xenófobos y retrógrados que existen
en el país del norte.Donald Trump no podría haber sido más preciso. Las
elecciones de Estados Unidos fueron "un Brexit a la enésima potencia". No por
la sorpresa que causó al mundo el resultado del referendo británico, sino
porque el mensaje que dieron los ciudadanos de la campiña inglesa es el mismo
que se escuchó en la profundidad de los estados norteamericanos: nacionalismo a
ultranza. Un pensamiento que en la historia ha tenido desenlaces
desastrosos.Hasta hace poco tiempo el mundo parecía caminar rumbo al ciudadano
universal. Esa idea kantiana de una federación mundial de naciones,
cosmopolita, en el que las barreras y fronteras comenzarían a perderse en el
reconocimiento de la igualdad de los individuos y sus derechos. Hacia allá se
encaminaba la Unión Europea, por ejemplo, hoy en jaque con la retirada del
Reino Unido.De la mano del terrorismo y el fracaso de la economía mundial, el
sentido de pertenencia nacional ha vuelto a tomar fuerza y se mira al
extranjero como el enemigo. El que se lleva los puestos de trabajo. El que pone
bombas en centros comerciales. El que atenta contra mi familia, mi país, mis
compatriotas.Se trata de un sentimiento arcaico que acompaña al ser humano
desde el inicio de su existencia y que en diciembre se sentará en el Salón Oval
de la Casa Blanca. Por más que lo de Trump hayan sido solo discursos, a muchos
de sus votantes los movilizó el odio. Y ganaron.Contra todos los pronósticos
electorales, el magnate newyorkino se impuso en las urnas. Al igual que en las
primarias, arrasó pese a que las encuestas lo daban cinco puntos abajo de la
demócrata Hillary Clinton. Muchos de los indecisos quizá no lo eran tanto.
Callados fueron a las urnas y decididos le pusieron su voto a Trump.Aún no
comienza su presidencia y ya está siendo juzgado. Solo el tiempo dirá si Donald
Trump fue el fantoche que muchos intuyen o un genio que llegó para salvar
Norteamérica. Lo que no se puede negar es que su mensaje contra los
inmigrantes, la promesa de un muro en la frontera con México y sus
declaraciones contra el pueblo musulmán vierten pólvora en un contexto delicado
y marcan un destino, a priori, preocupante.[...]
https://www.nexojornal.com.br/expresso/2016/11/09/3-motivos-que-levaram-%C3%A0-vit%C3%B3ria-de-Trump.-E-5-consequ%C3%AAncias-imediatas
3 motivos que levaram à vitória de Trump. E 5 consequências imediatas
- João Paulo Charleaux
09 Nov 2016(atualizado 09/Nov 10h24)
Desglobalização, nativismo e demografia explicam vitória inesperada. Mudanças
de rumo devem começar pela economia, defesa, migração, meio ambiente e relações
com Moscou
O empresário republicano Donald Trump foi eleito na madrugada desta
quinta-feira (9) o 45º presidente dos EUA, contrariando a maioria das pesquisas
de intenção de voto, todas as estimativas de probabilidade e até mesmo a
campanha negativa feita pelos maiores jornais americanos ao longo da campanha
eleitoral.A vitória de Trump frustra a possibilidade de os EUA elegerem em
2016, pela primeira vez em mais de 200 anos de democracia, uma mulher para
presidente. A candidata democrata Hillary Clinton foi uma favorita seguida de
perto por Trump. Sua derrota interrompe oito anos de administração democrata na
Casa Branca.Trump assumirá no dia 20 de janeiro, quando o atual presidente,
Barack Obama, se despede de seu segundo mandato. O Partido Republicano, de
Trump, também assegurou maioria no Senado e na Câmara, abrindo caminho para
reformas profundas.
Campanha de ódio
A marca da campanha de Trump foram as declarações agressivas, sobretudo a
respeito das mulheres e dos imigrantes, o que lança dúvidas sobre como o
presidente eleito transformará sua postura de comício numa postura de governo.O
bilionário - que antes de se lançar candidato, era estrela de um reality show
na TV - se apresentou como um personagem indomável, rebelde em relação a tudo o
que representasse o establishment, fosse contra os políticos tradicionais de
maneira geral, fosse contra o seu próprio partido.O jornal americano “The
Washington Post” - que endossou abertamente a campanha de Hillary - classificou
a plataforma de Trump como “a política do dedo do meio”.Uma das dúvidas agora
diz respeito à formação do novo gabinete de governo, uma vez que Trump sequer
foi ungido pelos caciques do Partido Republicano. O ex-governador do Texas, o
também republicano Rick Perry, já havia chamado Trump de “câncer conservador”.
Três fatores que explicam a escolha do eleitorado americano
DesglobalizaçãoTrump se referiu, ao longo das primárias e da campanha, à
globalização como um fenômeno nocivo para a economia americana. Ele apelou para
a classe média trabalhadora - sobretudo a desempregada - prometendo trazer de
volta aos EUA os empregos que foram criados no exterior, no processo de
internacionalização das empresas americanas.Esse apelo à “desglobalização” não
é exclusividade da campanha republicana. No Reino Unido, o discurso
protecionista e nacionalista fez triunfar em plebiscito a proposta de retirar o
país da União Europeia, num processo apelidado de Brexit, em junho.“Forças
nacionalistas capitalizaram o descontentamento provocado pela fraca recuperação
da crise econômica global. Nacionalistas culparam o comércio internacional e os
estrangeiros pelo fracasso dos governos nacionais. É mais fácil culpar os
outros do que encarar os próprios problemas”, disse ao Nexo, em outubro, Simon
Evenett, professor de Comércio Internacional e Desenvolvimento na Faculdade de
Economia da Universidade de St. Gallen, na Suíça.NativismoOutro ponto de apoio
da campanha triunfante de Trump foi o apelo ao nativismo - nome dado à política
de legitimar as razões dos cidadãos considerados nativos de um determinado
lugar, em detrimento dos que são vistos como “os outros”.Trump chamou os
imigrantes mexicanos de estupradores e traficantes, generalizou afirmações
preconceituosas que ligavam o islã ao terrorismo e prometeu construir um muro
na fronteira sul dos EUA, dando concretude a um discurso nacionalista
exacerbado.O nativismo “é um fenômeno que irrompeu sobretudo em períodos de
crise, como nos anos 1790, 1870, 1890 e, mais tarde, em 1918. Não é algo novo.
Desde 2008 os EUA vêm vivendo uma crise social e econômica de baixa
intensidade, logo, esse tipo de reação não chega a causar surpresa”, disse ao
Nexo o historiador canadense Jeremy Adelman, diretor do Laboratório de História
Global da Universidade de Princeton, no Estado americano de Nova
Jersey.DemografiaA candidatura de Trump ficou conhecida pelo apoio fervoroso de
um núcleo duro formado pela classe média branca, trabalhadora, moradora das
cidades do interior, com menor nível de escolaridade.Apesar dessa marca, no
entanto, Trump conseguiu romper bolsões de aceitação e extrapolou sua mensagem
para fora desse círculo previsível, arrancando votos importantes em Estados que
eram tidos como mais propensos a votar nos democratas dessa vez, como a
Flórida.Alguns analistas apostavam que as declarações misóginas de Trump
terminariam por drenar apoio do eleitorado feminino branco, além das perdas
consideradas inevitáveis entre o eleitorado de origem latina e os negros. A
vitória, no entanto, sugere que episódios como o vazamento de um vídeo no qual
ele diz que pode fazer o que quiser com as mulheres não tiveram força
suficiente para lhe tirar votos na reta final.
Consequências para o futuro
Algumas áreas devem sofrer mudanças bruscas com a chegada de Trump à Casa
Branca.Ao longo da campanha, ele anunciou o desejo de recuperar o poderio
militar americano perdido desde a Guerra Fria. “Nosso arsenal de armas atômicas
- nossa última linha de defesa - foi levado à atrofia e se encontra em
necessidade desesperada de modernização”, disse em 27 de abril.Ele também
indicou que pretende delegar mais responsabilidades aos parceiros da Otan
(Aliança do Tratado do Atlântico Norte), como forma de aliviar o peso do
orçamento americano de defesa.Outra promessa que deve se concretizar é a da
construção de muro na fronteira com o México, para conter a imigração. “Eu vou
construir um grande muro - e, acredite, ninguém constrói muros melhor do que eu
- e vou fazer isso de um jeito muito barato. Eu vou construir uma grande
muralha em nossa fronteira sul, e vou fazer o México pagar por isso. Anote
essas palavras”, proclamou em 23 de setembro, e reafirmou em visita ao México
no dia 31 de agosto: “Os Estados Unidos têm o direito de construir um muro
fronteiriço”.Por fim, a economia americana deve protagonizar uma virada
protecionista, com consequências para toda a economia mundial. “Fechar-se para
o comércio internacional e para a movimentação de pessoas têm impactos
negativos na produtividade do país e do mundo, principalmente em se tratando de
uma economia como a americana”, disse ao Nexo o professor de economia Gesner
Oliveira. Após a eleição, a Bolsa de Tóquio caiu 5,36% e a do México,
10,2%.Trump deve rever ainda compromissos assumidos por Obama em relação ao
consumo de combustíveis fósseis, tomando como base suas declarações de
descrédito em relação às causas do aquecimento global.Por fim, o candidato
manteve uma postura enigmática em relação à Rússia. Durante a campanha, Trump
sugeriu que o presidente Vladimir Putin espionasse e-mails da adversária,
Hillary Clinton, dando lugar a rumores e anedotas de que seria o candidato
preferido do Kremlin.
http://www.irinnews.org/analys is/2016/11/09/president-trump% ;
E2%80%99s-humanitarian-agenda
President Trump’s humanitarian agenda
9 November 2016 Foreign policy, development, and humanitarian aid have had
little coverage in the US presidential campaign. However, the issues will still
be in the in-tray of Donald J. Trump come January. Here are some of the most
pressing:
Syria, Iraq and Yemen
Trump’s statements on the Middle East have been a mix of isolationism and
promises to crush so-called Islamic State, making it unclear what he intends to
do.The president-elect has argued that deeper involvement in the Syrian war
would cause “World War Three” and bring the US into direct conflict with Assad
allies Iran and Russia. “The first thing we have to do is get rid of [IS]
before we start thinking about Syria,” Trump has however argued. What that
means for Syria and Iraq, where the battle against IS in Mosul is ongoing, is
far from clear, as the next president has said his plans to fight the group are
secret. Statements on his website make promises to work with Arab allies and
friends in the Middle East to defeat the group and “pursue aggressive joint and
coalition military operations to crush and destroy [it]”. Neither candidate
has said much at all about the Middle East’s third major war and humanitarian
catastrophe – Yemen – where the White House has said it's reviewing support for
the Saudi Arabian-led coalition's air campaign against Houthi rebels. Trump has
made comments suggesting he’s worried about Iranian influence in the region and
Iran backs the Houthis to some extent, but with confusing statements like this
one, it's anyone's guess what Trump intends to do.
The war in Afghanistan
Trump will inherit the longest war the US has ever fought – in Afghanistan. The
US invaded in 2001, backing local forces to overthrow the Taliban, and still
maintains about 10,000 troops there. Obama promised to end the war, but
Afghanistan’s military has not been able to hold off an onslaught by the
Taliban and other militant groups on its own, and the government has often been
fragile almost to the point of collapse.The US has spent more than $113 billion
on reconstruction aid over the past 15 years in Afghanistan. That includes
funding to build up the Afghan military, but it does not include the cost of
the US military mission, which would push the bill to around one trillion
dollars. Despite all the American money spent and lives lost, Afghanistan
figured very little in the presidential campaign.Neither candidate put forward
a plan for Afghanistan. That may be because American politicians really have no
idea how to extract their country from what increasingly looks like a quagmire
with little chance of victory. Obama’s strategy – a surge of US troops to quell
the insurgency, followed by a gradual withdrawal intended to leave the
government able to stand on its own – has failed. Can Trump do any better?
Climate change
It’s hard to view Trump’s election as anything but bad for the environment. On
the “Energy” section of his website, Trump says he intends to “make America
energy independent”. He would do this mainly by opening up new coal and oil
fields, a strategy that seems to conflict with his goal to “protect clean air
and clean water”.In addition, Trump pledged to “open shale energy deposits”
that could provide access to more oil and natural gas through “fracking”. The
relatively new technique involves drilling into rock and injecting water, sand,
and chemicals to force out gas or oil trapped inside. Fracking is widely used
in North America, where it has created jobs and reduced dependence on foreign
oil imports. But environmentalists point to a host of problems including: using
huge quantities of water that are often diverted from elsewhere, the risk of
pollution if chemicals contaminate groundwater sources, and a potential link
with earthquakes. Critics also worry that increased investment in traditional
energy sources detracts from the development of renewable energy.Trump doesn’t
mention climate change on his site. In fact, Trump promised during the campaign
that he would withdraw from the Paris Agreement on climate change. The next
round of climate change talks began on Monday in Morocco but the process may
now lack support from the world’s most powerful leader.
Refugees and immigration
Contrasts between Trump and Clinton are nowhere more stark than on immigration
and refugees.While Clinton had pledged to push for progressive immigration
reforms that would have created a path to citizenship for some of America’s 11
million undocumented immigrants, Trump has vowed to immediately terminate
Obama’s executive orders providing amnesty to undocumented immigrants who
arrived as children and to parents of US citizens.Trump’s supporters will be
expecting him to make good on campaign promises to significantly ramp up
detention and deportation of undocumented immigrants and to limit legal
immigration (although they may be forced to accept that Trump’s promise of a
wall along the length of the border with Mexico may turn out to be largely
symbolic).On the campaign trail, Trump responded to extremist attacks in San
Bernardino and Orlando by calling for a ban on all Muslims entering the
country. Immigration and security officials have pointed out that implementing
a ban based on religious affiliation would be practically impossible
considering that most countries don’t identify an individual’s religion on
their passports. But as president, Trump will have the authority to determine
the number of refugees that can be admitted for resettlement from various
regions. He made it clear as recently as Monday that if elected he would
suspend resettlement of refugees from Syria based on security concerns. He has
advocated instead for resettling refugees to “a safe zone in their home
country”.Currently, the United States is by far the largest donor to the UN’s
refugee agency, UNHCR (contributing 40 percent of its budget in 2015).
Considering Trump’s professed suspicion of multilateral institutions like the
UN, it’s unclear whether that level of support would continue or how involved
the US would be in negotiations towards global compacts on migration and
refugees set in motion at the September summit in New York.
Foreign aid
Those eying a possible expansion of US foreign aid under a Clinton presidency
will be disappointed by today’s result. On the campaign trail, Trump repeatedly
stressed the importance of rebuilding infrastructure at home before helping
others abroad, arguing in June that America should “stop sending foreign aid to
countries that hate us”. An increase in the foreign aid budget is therefore
highly unlikely, while cuts now become a distinct possibility, especially with
the Republicans retaining control of both chambers of Congress. Trump’s
antipathy for trade deals could also threaten important pacts like the African
Growth and Opportunity Act, a tax-free lifeline that drives up business on the
continent.
Extremism
For security analysts, one of the biggest unknowns is whether Trump, when he
becomes president in January, will continue to promote some of the more
hardline and potentially dangerous positions he has adopted on the campaign
trail: from banning Muslims from entering the country, to his support for
torture (saying “I like it a lot. I don’t think it’s tough enough” about
waterboarding), to keeping Guantanamo Bay open. All of the above help extremist
groups, from Islamic State to Boko Haram to al-Shabab, in developing the
propaganda that brings in more recruits, deepening conflicts and humanitarian
crises from northern Nigeria to northern Iraq.
https://www.theguardian.com/co mmentisfree/2016/nov/09/global ;
isation-dead-white-supremacy- trump-neoliberal
Globalisation is dead, and white supremacy has triumphed
Paul Mason
Trump’s victory is a betrayal of ethnic minorities and women. Progressives must
direct their energies to building an alternative to the failed neoliberal model
@paulmasonnews Wednesday 9 November 2016 14.17 GMT Last modified on Wednesday 9
November 2016 14.21 GMT “I sit in one of the dives … uncertain and afraid,”
wrote WH Auden, in the days before war broke out in 1939. Tonight it’s the
entire leftwing, humanist and liberal world’s turn to sit in its modern dives –
coffee bars staffed by global, precarious, young people – and face it.
Globalisation is dead. The American superpower will die.Donald Trump has won
the presidency – not because of the “white working class”, but because millions
of middle-class and educated US citizens reached into their soul and found
there, after all its conceits were stripped away, a grinning white supremacist.
Plus untapped reserves of misogyny.The academic debate about what’s driving the
ultra-right surge in liberal democracies – migration or economic hardship – was
always sterile in the case of the US. High recent migration into an economy
where growth provides only low-paid jobs, in the absence of a strong and
progressive labour movement, is always going to fuel the right. But that’s not
the US.The US “won” the global recovery after 2008. It stabilised its banks and
opted strong and early for monetary expansion. Real wage growth has wavered
around the 4% line for the past five years. And that was not the only source
justifying confidence for Hillary Clinton. Her pollsters noted the inexorable
demographic surge supporting liberalism: huge numbers of single-female
households, rising black and Hispanic populations, gay marriages, historically
high numbers of college graduates.What they underestimated was the fragility of
their own ideology and the deep reserves – even among educated men in crisp,
white shirts – of fear and hatred.If it is a sudden change in status to a once
dominant group that drives electorates to the far right, as political scientist
Roger Petersen has argued – then we have to start with the biggest change in
status of all time. That is the reproductive shock that began 50 years ago,
with the pill, which has put women into boardrooms, frontline combat roles and,
more relevantly, control over who they have sex with, and when, and how.The
mass issuance of rape and death threats against women in public life, led by
key figures on the alt-right media, is only the froth on the deep lake of bile
nurtured by some men. You do not overturn 40,000 years of biologically rigged
social control without a backlash. Before we agonise about the racial betrayal
white America committed last night, we must understand the gender betrayal runs
deeper. When Trump explained his boasts about grabbing women “by the pussy” as
“locker room talk”, anti-sexist sports stars went on air to say, “Not in my
locker room.” But Trump was right. In the locker rooms of the developed world
there is harboured – not among all men but enough – a deep fear about the
economic and sexual liberation of women.Leave aside the Wall Street dinners,
the email servers and the pneumonia: it was ultimately Hillary Clinton’s gender
– symbolised by the “pant suit” – that was too much for some male voters,
college-educated or not.As to ethnicity and migration, the dynamics of what
drove Trump to power are pretty simple once you understand the right’s genius
for subtext. Every time he said, “We’ll build a wall to stop Mexicans”, people
understood the unstated second clause: and we’ll reimpose segregation on black
America. The first victims of the now-unleashed fury of white supremacism will
be those heroic, thoughtful black college graduates who’ve made “Black Lives
Matter” a household phrase.So this is not some two-dimensional revolt against
poverty and wage stagnation. It is a three-dimensional revolt against the
impacts of neoliberalism – both positive and negative. Freemarket economics
unleashed two forces that have now collided: the rapid rise in inequality, and
a route to the top percentile for the talented female, black or gay person. As
long as it delivered not just growth but a growth story, a foreseeable better
future, those disempowered by neoliberalism could stand it.But neoliberalism no
longer works. It is broken. If it survived it would have delivered at best
zombie growth fuelled by central bank money and at worst stagnation. But it
will not survive. Last summer I predicted that if we do not break with the
economics of high inequality, high debt and low productivity, populations will
vote to dismantle the global order. With Brexit and Trump that process is
inexorable – and the next wave of the tsunami will hit Italy and Austria in
their plebiscites on 4 December.In the next weeks, our denial reflexes will be
in full swing. Like Auden’s generation we will “cling to our average day”. But
one set of people now faces a moment where only honesty will suffice. It is the
economists, journalists, civil servants, bankers and policy wonks who have
rubbished the idea of the existential threat.They claimed the capitalism of the
past 30 years was merely the inner essence of the system revealed, unimprovable
unless by the privatisation of the last hospital and the decline of union
density to zero. They were wrong; they need to place their intellectual
firepower and resources – as their counterparts did in the era of Keynes and
Roosevelt – in the service of designing an alternative system. You’re going to
hear a lot of wailing from the left about our “disconnection” with the values
of “ordinary working-class people”. It is bullshit – both as a fact and an
explanation of what’s happened. In every state in America there are
working-class people staffing beleaguered abortion clinics, organising unions
among migrant cleaners and Walmart workers.Those who tell you the left has to
somehow “reconnect” with people whose minds are full of white supremacy and
misogyny must finish the sentence. By what means? By throwing our black
brothers and sisters under a bus? Eighty years ago the poets and miners of the
International Brigades did not march into battle saying: “Mind you, the
fascists have got a point.” It’s not about reconnection. As in the UK, the
racist right in America is a minority that can and must be defeated. It’s about
re-forming the political coalition that won both the New Deal and the second
world war. The left, the unions, the ethnic minorities; the liberal middle
class; and that section of Wall Street and the US boardroom that is unprepared
to lie supine as wannabe-Trumps put their “locker room talk” into practice. It
will not be hard for a common story to emerge that puts the defence of global
interconnection, racial tolerance and gender equality at its heart.But we have
to tell it convincingly. And to do so Democrats in America must find the
courage to learn what British Labour – in a huge and unfinished effort – has
learned. Stop putting discredited representatives of the elite at the top of
the ballot paper.
http://www.limesonline.com/tru mp-presidente-voto-bianchi-lat ;
inos-afroamericani/95256?prv= true
Marea bianca, apatia nera e mosaico ispanico: chi ha votato per Trump
[Carta di Laura Canali] 9/11/2016 Quell’America che molti davano per
minoritaria ha portato alla Casa Bianca il magnate newyorkese. di Fabrizio
MarontaTanto tuonò che piovve. Il diluvio di voti che ha investito Donald
Trump, proiettandolo alla Casa Bianca, dice molto di una parte d’America che i
più avevano dato per minoritaria, dunque perdente.La marea bianca La classe
media bianca, relativamente poco istruita e furiosa con una politica giudicata
incapace di proteggerla dall’onda d’urto della globalizzazione che ruba
certezze e posti di lavoro, ha fatto per Trump ciò che gli afroamericani fecero
a suo tempo per Obama.Uno dopo l’altro, sono caduti gli Stati del Midwest e
dell’Ovest che per decenni avevano costituito la roccaforte democratica, in
virtù della cospicua presenza di operai bianchi che avevano nel Partito
democratico il proprio riferimento. Iowa, Ohio, Wisconsin, West Virginia, North
Carolina, le due Dakote, Nebraska, Missouri, Indiana, persino l’Arkansas che
diede i natali a Bill. Hillary Clinton potrebbe ancora aggiudicarsi il voto
popolare in ragione della vittoria schiacciante negli Stati costieri (a partire
da California e New York) e della sconfitta di misura in quelli
tradizionalmente repubblicani, come lo Utah, ma il conteggio dei collegi e
dunque dei grandi elettori regala una netta e impietosa vittoria a Trump. Il
merito va in gran parte ai colletti blu (o ex tali) e alle zone rurali, che
hanno votato in massa Trump con un’affluenza ai seggi mediamente alta.L’apatia
dei neriL’effetto Obama sul voto afroamericano appare un ricordo. Messi di
fronte all’alternativa tra un candidato repubblicano che si atteggia a campione
dei Wasp e una candidata democratica (bianca) le cui credenziali liberal non
bastano a sedurre i diseredati dei ghetti urbani, i neri – specie quelli di
bassa estrazione sociale – hanno disertato le urne.Il pericolo era nell’aria,
come attesta il frenetico tour elettorale di Obama negli ultimi giorni prima
del voto e come certifica la scarsa registrazione alle liste elettorali del
segmento sociale che più di altri contribuì, nel 2008 e ancora nel 2012, alla
vittoria democratica.Il mosaico ispanicoIl clamoroso risultato della Florida,
andata insindacabilmente a Trump, conferma una volta di più che il “voto
ispanico” come monolite esiste solo nella testa di chi, per suggestione o
interesse, lo caldeggia. In attesa di analisi più dettagliate del voto per zone
e segmenti sociali, un fatto appare certo.I messicani, come pronosticato, hanno
punito Trump per il progetto di muro alla frontiera con il Messico e per le
infelici uscite sui “criminali e stupratori” immigrati negli Stati Uniti dal
confine meridionale. Ciò è avvenuto in particolare nell’area New York-New
Jersey, dove i messicani sono (insieme ai portoricani) la gran parte della
popolazione ispanica. Nella preponderante comunità cubana della Florida,
viceversa, ha vinto il ripudio dell’apertura a Castro e, più in generale, la
tradizionale propensione a votare repubblicano in ragione del forte
anticastrismo. Altrove, come in Texas, la forte presenza messicana niente ha
potuto contro la massiccia mobilitazione dell’elettorato bianco.
[mensagem organizada por Helion Póvoa Neto]
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