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Sent: Monday, October 10, 2016 3:21 AM
Subject: [NIEM] Colômbia
http://theconversation.com/ what-displaced-colombians- ;
living-abroad-think-about-the- peace-efforts-66467
University students and supporters of the peace deal protest during a
rally in Bogotá, Colombia. REUTERS/John Vizcaino
Author
- Jeffrey D. Pugh Assistant Professor of Conflict Resolution,
University of Massachusetts Boston
Disclosure statement
Jeffrey D. Pugh has received funding from the Fulbright Commission. He is the
director of the Center for Mediation, Peace, and Resolution of Conflict
(CEMPROC), based in Quito-Ecuador The peace deal between the Colombian
government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrilla
group was rejected by less than a 0.5 percent margin in a referendum on Oct.
2.This outcome shocked the world and defied the expectations of most external
observers. The signed agreement to end the violence seemed all but complete, so
its rejection by referendum makes the future of peace efforts uncertain. The
Colombian conflict has cost more than 220,000 lives over half a century, and
has forced seven million people to flee their homes. Colombia is the leading
source of refugees in Latin America and has the most internally displaced
people in the world, surpassing Syria in 2015.As a conflict resolution
professor in the U.S. and director of a peacebuilding NGO in Ecuador, I have
conducted dozens of interviews and hundreds of surveys with Colombian refugees
in six provinces of Ecuador over more than a decade. This research provides a
useful context for analyzing the effects of the Colombian peace process and the
rejection of the current deal on neighboring countries and the region.
Elevating the voices of those in Colombia and abroad who have been most
affected by the conflict could help the rest of the population in Colombia to
relate to their suffering, and internalize the cost of continued war.
Rejection of the peace deal
Several factors led to the failure of the peace deal. Key reasons included
government overconfidence, low turnout and, especially, anger at the perception
that FARC was gaining impunity and costly benefits after years of violence.
President Juan Manuel Santos was the main proponent of the peace process, but
many ordinary Colombians felt he was ignoring or silencing their concerns. His
popularity sagged.The popular ex-president, Alvaro Uribe, was a vocal opponent
whose conservative followers demanded greater punishment for the FARC. Both
presidents represent major ideological blocs in a polarized country – “yes” and
“no” became politicized camps.The right wing was not the only source of
skepticism. Human Rights Watch criticized the deal’s amnesty for government
forces who committed human rights abuses. Many victims, civil society groups
and displaced Colombians complained about being left out of the negotiations,
although “yes” won in nearly all countries where Colombian migrants voted from
abroad.Some were skeptical that the signed agreement would lead to a reduction
in the violence in the short and medium term. They argued that elements of the
FARC might splinter upon demobilization and join criminal bands or cross
borders to neighboring countries, rather than accept the terms of the peace
deal.
Voices of Colombians abroad
Only 37 percent of eligible voters in Colombia – and 12 percent of eligible
Colombians living in other countries – cast a vote in Sunday’s referendum. This
suggests that many felt disenchanted with a process that was far removed from
their own needs and interests.Jorge, a Colombian refugee living in Venezuela,
told me last month, “Those of us who are refugees and asylum seekers displaced
across borders were absolutely invisible in the peace process by both the
Colombian government and the insurgency.” Earlier this year, I spoke with a
woman named María, a member of the International Forum of Colombian Victims.
This group is composed of Colombian refugees and other victims who have fled to
other countries, and it advocates for a just peace in Colombia. María fled the
violence and has been living in Ecuador for several years.She said illegal
paramilitary groups had already started targeting civil society leaders in
Colombia for assassination, especially indigenous leaders. They have done so in
the past in Ecuador, which means that even in crossing the border, activists’
lives can be in danger. This raises concerns that civil society activists might
be targeted while the peace process is ongoing, and even if an agreement is
signed. Some victims and displaced people fear that advocating for alternatives
to militarization and for a more just economic model can have deadly
consequences. Maria said, “We are not willing to accept with silence and
indifference those who think that we can build peace with the same strategies
with which we waged war.” She pointed out that advocacy and coordination of
allied networks across borders, including the International Forum of Colombian
Victims, is key. Together, they can pressure negotiators to work toward genuine
peace and justice that includes protections for victims and other excluded
Colombians, including those living abroad. Otherwise, excluded groups will not
feel they have a stake in the deal, or may even join spoilers in rejecting it.
Engaging displaced Colombians
In a striking pattern, the regions that were hardest hit by the war registered
the highest percentages in favor of the peace deal. These included rural areas
in the coast and jungle, as well as Colombians voting from abroad because they
had to flee their homes. Children of Colombian asylum seekers and refugees
play during a visit by a UNHCR to Venezuela. REUTERS The “no” vote was highest
in the urban and central regions that had been relatively more insulated from
the violence. I believe these groups need to hear more from each other.Greater
inclusion of victims and excluded groups in the negotiations and public
discourse would not only widen the base of the population with a stake in the
conflict, but would also help to humanize the costs of continued war. Cecilia,
a Colombian researcher in Quito who is now an Ecuadorian citizen, told me last
month after the peace deal was announced: “We don’t build peace only by signing
agreements. It is something that we have to work for every day, in our closest
relationships.” Including victims of all of the armed groups might help break
the ideological polarization and define a new narrative that everyone has
suffered loss and some level of forgiveness is a necessary price for ending the
suffering.My own research focuses on Colombia’s forced migrants living in
Ecuador, of whom more than 170,000 have requested asylum since 2000. My surveys
of more than 600 Colombians living in six Ecuadorian provinces show that only 9
percent see themselves returning to Colombia within the next five years. This
number has not changed much since 2013 as the political negotiations
progressed. Major economic and security investments are needed to create
conditions that reassure Colombians abroad that it is safe to come home. A
voluntary right to return is also important. Many Colombians have made a new
life for themselves abroad, and are worried about being forced to return to a
country they no longer consider home. As Jorge, the refugee in Venezuela, said,
“My heart has been in Colombia and my feet are in Venezuela. The hard part is
wanting to return and knowing that is not possible for now. But if I went back
[to Colombia] tomorrow, I would feel like a stranger in my own land.”
A regional perspective going forward
Colombia’s neighbors are weary of the burden of refugees and cross-border
security incursions caused by the conflict. Playing a constructive role in
supporting renewed peace efforts could be in their interest. Ecuador, which is
the largest recipient of refugees in Latin America, offered earlier this year
to host negotiations between the Colombian government and the National
Liberation Army, the other major leftist guerrilla group. Virginia Bouvier, a
Colombia expert at the United States Institute of Peace, cautions that any
agreement would remain an “incomplete peace” as long as the ELN remains
mobilized for fighting. A peace process that includes them at the same table
would better reflect the range of interests in play.The United States can also
play an active role to increase diplomatic and economic pressure on all sides
in Colombia to continue the peace process. Since 2009, the U.S. has given over
US$9 billion to Colombia, much of which funded military equipment and training.
Now, President Obama proposed $450 million for “Peace Colombia,” the
post-accord implementation of peace initiatives. The failure of the peace deal
makes the future of this proposal uncertain.Ex-President Uribe in particular
benefited enormously from the U.S. military assistance, and the United States
could apply international pressure to hold him to his promise to continue
working toward peace after the rejection of the current deal.The referendum
rejecting the deal was a setback for peace, but it creates an opportunity to
address the problems of the first deal, especially if FARC and the government
remain committed to keep working together and include more voices. If Colombia
hopes to revive the peace process, it needs to engage a more representative
range of political interests so they have a stake in the success of the
outcome. I believe this should include those who are affected by the conflict
but have not had their voices heard. It should also invite external actors,
including Ecuador and the United States, to apply leverage, provide resources
and help coordinate a regional strategy to find solutions to the transnational
aspects of the conflict that cross borders. The names of interviewees have been
changed for their safety.
https://www.almendron.com/ tribuna/rights-for-indigenous- and-afro-colombian- ;
communities-are-crucial-for- colombias-peace/
The Nobel Peace Prize, awarded to Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos for
his efforts in ending a more than 50-year-long civil war, serves as a reminder
that Colombia is taking a worthwhile journey toward peace.But how does a
country find peace when more than three-quarters of its population has known
nothing but war? The vote in Colombia on Sunday, which rejected the peace
agreement Santos negotiated by less than half a percentage point, shows that
this is not an easy path to follow.Like many other Colombians who spent most of
their lives living and working amid armed conflict and the atrocities of war, I
celebrated this historic opportunity to reconstruct our country and to vote yes
for peace.One of the most devastating aspects of the war for me was to see
indigenous, peasant, and Afro-Colombian communities who spent their entire
lives investing in and caring for their territories suddenly left with nothing.
Displacement has a particularly destructive impact, leading to the loss of
livelihoods, languages and cultures, and to the tearing apart of social fabrics
— in addition to the lives lost to violence. For a lasting peace to take root,
the legal recognition of collective property rights for indigenous and
Afro-Colombian communities would be an important step in addressing the war’s
damages and in continuing a process of comprehensive land reform. Colombian
indigenous people of the Nasa ethnic group are transported on the roof of a
local transport vehicle in Toribio, Colombia, on Oct. 3. (LUIS ROBAYO/Agence
France-Presse via Getty Images) “For indigenous peoples, the signing of peace
means an opportunity to live more peacefully in our territories without being
displaced, massacred, and violated as it’s happened during the more than 50
years of conflict,” said Clemencia Herrera of the Organization of Indigenous
Peoples of the Colombian Amazon in a recent interview.Insecure property rights
were one of the major drivers of this conflict. Since the 1960s, rural
communities have been losing their lands in disputes with wealthy landowners,
local governments, paramilitary groups and multinational companies. As the war
became more diffuse, conflicts over land have also become conflated with drug
trafficking, extractive industries and illegal mining.Throughout my personal
and professional life, I experienced firsthand the havoc that war brought to
rural communities. As a child, I learned stories of my own family’s internal
displacement and became one of the first generations living in city slums.
Later on, in my professional work in the rural sector, I saw how indigenous,
peasant and Afro-descendant communities bore the brunt of the violence and
displacement.I helped coordinate a natural resources management project, which
brought together local communities, government officials, financial
institutions and the private sector operating in the Valle del Cauca region.
Together we developed a watershed management strategy that became a model of
strategic partnership for other regions across Latin America.What we had
created, however, was seen as a threat by those who had to yield power.
Guerillas, paramilitary and military forces, and drug traffickers moved in.
Ultimately, many community leaders and members were evicted from their lands,
joining the nearly 7 million internally displaced people in Colombia. I also
became a target and fled the country in 1999 after too many threats of
violence.Secure property rights would change this picture and prevent a
backslide into conflict. One analysis of 71 cases of civil conflict and war
around the world found that two-thirds of this strife was driven in part by
contested land claims. Land conflicts are also common at the local level, where
governments issue concessions on community and indigenous lands. A study of
nearly 10,000 mining and oil concessions in Colombia found established
communities living in at least 97 percent of them; these communities often face
violence if they refuse to leave their customary homes.Data from 2015 from
Colombia’s Institute for Rural Development (INCODER, the acronym in Spanish)
shows that the agency is currently sitting on nearly 1,000 collective land
title applications for indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. These claims
are the ancestral territories of local communities and are legitimate under
Colombia’s constitution. Yet many of these communities have waited years for
their requests to be resolved.In 2015, INCODER was dissolved, and it is now
being replaced by the National Land Agency. The new agency will face the
complex task of addressing pending land issues in a context where the peace
agreement’s land reform provisions have not been endorsed. As this transition
takes place, we now have a unique opportunity to recognize local communities’
rights over their own lands and resources.This would bring Colombia one step
closer to the stability that everyone seeks — and Santos’s Nobel Prize serves
as encouragement that we are all on the right path.As we continue to pursue
peace, I am calling on my government to use this opportunity to lead our region
and the world in recognizing land rights. By doing so, we can construct a
country that respects citizens’ rights and the prospects of a peace that will
last for generations.Omaira Bolaños is the Latin America program director for
the Rights and Resources Initiative and has advocated for community-based
conservation, watershed management, gender equity and indigenous peoples’
tenure rights in Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, El Salvador and her native Colombia.
She holds a PhD in anthropology and a master’s degree in Latin American studies
from the University of Florida.
https://es.panampost.com/ karina-martin/2016/08/18/ colombia-deporta-a-50- ;
migrantes-de-venezuela-haiti- y-espana/
Colombia deporta a 50 migrantes de Venezuela, Haití y España
By: Karina Martín - Ago 18, 2016, 10:58 am El director general de
Migración Colombia, explicó que para ingresar al país los extranjeros deben
sellar su pasaporte, recordó que los venezolanos deben tener la Tarjeta
Migratoria de Tránsito Fronterizo (El Carabobeño) El pasado miércoles, en
Colombia, fueron deportados aproximadamente 50 ciudadanos que no tenían los
requisitos necesarios para permanecer en el país. Los extranjeros provenían de
Venezuela, España y Haití.La oficina de Migración colombiana señaló que “fueron
detectados, en su gran mayoría, en procedimientos realizados en las carreteras
de los departamentos de Norte de Santander y Arauca (frontera con Venezuela),
cuando se desplazaban a bordo de vehículos de servicio público hacia el
interior del país”.Christian Krüger, director general de Migración Colombia,
explicó que para ingresar al país los extranjeros deben sellar su pasaporte y
recordó que para que los venezolanos ingresen, deben tener la Tarjeta
Migratoria de Tránsito Fronterizo, que es el documento acordado por ambos
países, que permite la movilización de los ciudadanos venezolanos, por la zona
limítrofe.“Les recuerdo que esta es simplemente para moverse en zona de
frontera y tiene un tránsito limitado, por eso si van a ingresar al interior
del país lo mejor es sellar su pasaporte en el puesto de control migratorio por
el que ingresaron y así evitarse sanciones”, dijo en relación con el documento
habilitado para los venezolanos.“Colombia es un país de puertas abiertas para
los ciudadanos extranjeros, siempre que estos respeten la normatividad
migratoria de nuestro país”expresó Krüger. Asimismo, fuentes de Migración
explicaron que diariamente realizan operativos de control para evitar
inmigrantes ilegales.Años atrás, eran los colombianos quienes trataban de
cruzar la frontera con la intención de mejorar su calidad de vida en el país
hermano; mientras que las autoridades venezolanas, trataban de controlar la
situación deportando colombianos y aplicando fuertes controles que dificultaran
la permanencia de estos ciudadanos. Ahora Colombia vive la historia en la que
años atrás se encontraba Venezuela, cuando estaba en su mejor etapa de bonanzas
petroleras.El concejal por el partido conservador, David Caballero, expresó que
el tema de los inmigrantes es preocupante debido a que “Recientemente en un
atraco en el barrio Alto Bosque, la persona que cometió el ilícito, y que fue
capturado por la ciudadanía, era de nacionalidad venezolana”.Asimismo, continuó
expresando su preocupación por la situación y dijo:”Respaldamos de corazón a
los hermanos venezolanos, y a las familias que con legalidad trabajan y viven
en la ciudad; y sabemos la gravedad de la crisis en ese país. Pero lo que
estamos pidiendo es que la Policía Nacional a través de sus organismos de
inteligencia y Migración Colombia afine sus estrategias para deportar a
venezolanos que están llegando a la ciudad a delinquir”.Fuentes: El Nacional;
Entorno Inteligente Karina Martín
[mensagem organizada por Helion Póvoa Neto]
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