http://socialistaction.org/the-politics-of-deception/
The politics of deception
Published April 14, 2016.
April 2016 Trump, Cruz
BY JEFF MACKLER
I am tempted to compare the stated political views of the leading
Republican and Democratic Party presidential contenders—even though they
are largely irrelevant. But ranking Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, and
Bernie Sanders according to their purported degree of “socialist,
progressive, liberal, conservative” or even incipient-fascist views is
of little value in comparison to their central defense of capitalism—the
system of the rule of an elite minority that owns and controls the vast
productive capacities and wealth of society. It is the system whose
inherent evils include war, repression, racism, poverty, sexism,
homophobia, mass incarceration, environmental destruction, and
ever-deepening incursions on civil liberties and democratic rights.
In general, elections in the United States, as in virtually all
capitalist countries, are carefully orchestrated contests between
sometimes competing wings of the ruling class. This competition has
nothing to do with the interests of the working masses, the 99 percent,
and everything to do with what portion of the wealth created by workers
goes to which sections of the billionaire elites.
Donald Trump, the consummate “outsider,” appears as a reactionary
populist racist, Islamophobic, super-patriotic, “America First,”
“isolationist,” nationalist, homophobic, billionaire bigot. His claim to
fame is his anti-establishment posture and his absurd assurance that as
a clever and successful businessman, he can and will make “deals” (his
favorite term) that meet the needs of everyone—workers and bosses alike.
During Trump’s recent 100-minute foreign policy interviews in two
sessions with The New York Times, he openly accepted the “America First”
characterization of his views. It is doubtful that Trump was not aware
that the central figure of the infamous America First Committee of the
early 1940s was the famous trans-Atlantic aviator Charles Lindbergh, a
pro-Nazi/fascist, with anti-Semitic, racist, anti-immigrant politics and
a eugenics-based race “purity” ideology. Lindbergh, along with key
American anti-Semitic industrialists like Henry Ford, opposed U.S. entry
into World War II based on a pro-Hitler and German superiority ideology.
The Times, perhaps embarrassed, limited its description of the America
First Committee to “an isolationist political party in the U.S. in the
1940s.”
Trump’s frequent advocacy of violence—“like in the good old days
“—against protesting opponents, his staff members’ sometimes violent
exclusion of Blacks and Muslims from his rallies, as well as his overt
racism and hate-mongering aimed at Latinos and Blacks similarly reflect
an incipient-fascist orientation. His belated disassociation from former
Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke’s endorsement is sufficient to indicate
his vile character and politics.
The recipient of more free media coverage than any other candidate,
Trump railed in mid-March against the anti-racist protesters who
mobilized 8000 strong outside his planned University of Illinois rally
and the several thousand who managed to get inside to exercise their
free speech rights. Trump’s lies that university officials and Chicago
police cancelled his meeting out of security concerns, and that the
Bernie Sanders campaign sponsored the protests, were soon refuted by
these same officials and by Sanders himself.
Trump’s now infamous line, “You’re fired,” taken from his previously
hosted “reality TV” show, is now his watchword or signal to threaten or
physically remove discordant attendees from his rallies. His campaign
chief, Cory Lewandowski, was recently arrested on charges of battery
against a Florida newswoman. Trump denied the charges, but the incident
was captured on video, and the bruised reporter’s accusations were
subsequently affirmed by police officials.
Republican tops try to block Trump candidacy
Trump’s reactionary posturing is increasingly an anathema to the
Republican Party hierarchy, several of whose top traditional leaders
have stepped forward in an effort to block his drive to obtain the 1237
delegates to ensure his nomination at the July 18-21 Republican Party
national convention set for Cleveland. Former Minnesota Republican
strategist and major fundraiser Norman Coleman warned that a Trump
candidacy could imperil today’s Republican control of the House of
Representatives and Senate.
In the meantime, ranked on an abstract scale of right-wing ideas, few
doubt that Texas Senator Ted Cruz takes first place, exceeding all
others in his insider background, yet expressing racist, sexist,
homophobic, anti-immigrant and other reactionary views.
It appears that what began as an orchestrated effort to broaden its base
has become a Republican Party nightmare. When the 18 original Republican
candidates were paraded before the corporate media to display their
wares, what emerged was not any significant differentiation aimed at
bringing new forces into the Republican fold but rather a gang of
like-minded, almost comical idiots denouncing each other. This
ever-escalating descent into crazed rants and hatemongering aptly
describes the moral and political bankruptcy of this prominent wing of
the U.S. ruling class.
At the same time, at least some clever ruling-class elements who stand
above the fray no doubt see these “hardball” right-wing contestants,
regardless of who wins the elections, as facilitating the “liberal”
Democrats’ moving ever further to the right in order to achieve common
objectives. “Hard cop–soft cop,” so to speak.
On the Democratic Party side we see a different story, with the
traditional Democratic Party hierarchy realizing early on that Hillary
Clinton’s bashing, not to mention red-baiting, “democratic socialist”
Bernie Sanders would do her no good, if not redound against her.
The populist Sanders campaign has its analogies with Trump’s in that it
calls into question the Washington elites and their bipartisan
“free-trade” deals that yearly, on average, ship some million relatively
high-wage U.S. jobs to low-wage peripheral nations like China, Vietnam,
Thailand, Indonesia, and Mexico. The result has been a U.S. working
class whose previous manufacturing and associated trade-union base has
been largely eroded—with private-sector unionism today reduced to some
5.6 percent.
Increasing numbers of U.S. workers, if they have jobs at all, (the
official U.S. job participation rate, 62 percent, stands at the lowest
point in decades) are employed in low-wage, part-time, or
precarious/uncertain usually service-sector jobs at the mercy of the
boss class. Needless to say, anti-immigrant and racist prejudice is
encouraged by corporate elites and serves to reduce all wages.
Sanders approaches this aspect of the employer offensive with proposals
for massive public works programs, higher taxes on the rich, as well as
single-payer health care and free education through the public college
level. In this he has sharply distinguished himself from Trump, who
employs openly racist demagoguery and seeks to scapegoat the most
oppressed, especially immigrants, as well as Washington’s “free traders”
for the country’s deepening crises.
Bipartisan agreement on trade issues
With regard to the issue of “free trade,” and I put this term in
quotation marks for a reason, we should note that U.S. trade policy has
in recent decades been largely a bipartisan affair. All sections of the
capitalist class seek to employ trade policies that best suit their
technologies and competitive status in the world economy. Those
corporations with the most advanced technologies, regardless of party
affiliation, advocate free trade in the sense of opposing any
protectionist barriers imposed against their better quality and cheaper
products.
Free traders want no obstacles to their penetration of world markets.
Indeed, many of the “cheap” products that enter the U.S. from China and
other low-wage nations are manufactured abroad by multi-national
corporations controlled by U.S. corporations. These same U.S.
commodities, produced both with cheap labor abroad and high-tech
machinery, if not robots, tend to undermine the economies of poorer or
less competitive nations.
Quietly, but also with the operative principles in play, those U.S.
corporations whose technologies cannot effectively compete on world
markets make sure that government negotiators press to include
provisions in trade pacts, like NAFTA and the more recent Trans Pacific
Partnership (TPP) agreement, that protect their weaker corporations’
lack of competitiveness. When it comes to profits, capitalists, whether
Democrat or Republican, defend their own interests first, whether it be
via free trade or protectionist policies.
The anti-immigrant racist Trump, for example, regularly employs
low-wage, non-citizen Mexican immigrants in his Florida hotels and
elsewhere, justifying this policy with the lie that in Florida white
workers simply don’t want part-time (he neglects to add low-wage) jobs!
Sanders’ left populism is of the “democratic socialist” reformist
variety, as with Syriza in Greece and Podemos in Spain and the various
Scandinavian nations that, in the past, maintained some comprehensive
social welfare programs, many of which have today been sharply curtained
by these same “democratic socialist” capitalist governments.
Trump’s right-wing populist rhetoric is more akin to the neo-fascist or
extreme-right populism in Europe, as in France with Marine LePen’s
National Front or the recent rise of neo-fascist parties in Poland and
Germany. All of these forces rail against immigrants’ taking local jobs
and otherwise upsetting the “national culture and traditions”—racist
code words indeed.
Sanders, like Trump, has chosen to be a player in the now almost
year-round electoral shenanigans that constitute today’s manufactured
reality-TV America. Both understand in their different ways that U.S.
presidents do not make any of the fundamental decisions in capitalist
society. These are most always in the exclusive purview of
behind-the-scenes negotiations between the real rulers, or more
accurately, the direct professional unelected representatives of the
tiny perhaps .001 percent who own and control the vast wealth of the
nation and all associated institutions that help them amass their wealth.
In this Machiavellian schema, everything—from the details of the tax
codes, trade policies, war policies, the national budget, Federal
Reserve monetary decisions, U.S. debt levels, and more—is honed to a
level of precision that exceeds the human imagination.
Despite this ruling class “expertise,” however, the capitalist system’s
inherent contradictions, long ago revealed by Karl Marx and as relevant
today as ever, continually bring it to the point of crisis and near
collapse, invariably impelling it to “solutions” contrary to the
interest of the vast majority, as we see everywhere in today’s world of
never-ending wars and the brutal imposition of austerity measures.
Driven relentlessly by its profit-first imperative, for example, the
introduction of modern labor-saving technology into the productive
process inevitably results in massive layoffs for the working class as
opposed to a massive increase in leisure time—time that in an
egalitarian socialist society would be devoted to the advancement of
education, broad cultural pursuits, and furthering humanity’s well-being.
Contradictions of capitalism
The capitalism system in all its fundamentals is based on the
exploitation of human labor, that is, the stealing of a major portion of
the value that labor produces. But the very substitution of machines to
replace human labor eventually leads to a fall in the rate of profit for
the broad capitalist class.
It is this “law of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall,” as Marx
explained, that compels capitalists to introduce a myriad of
counter-measures, including extension of the length of the work day,
speed up at the workplace, attacks on wages, pensions and social
benefits—and today, the outsourcing of basic production to low-wage and
increasingly near slave-labor countries.
These, and other elements of capitalism’s inherent contradictions, lie
at the center of any rational explanation of the imposition of massive
austerity measures against workers in every nation. They have raised the
consciousness of millions, if not billions of people, that there is
something fundamentally flawed in the system itself.
In the U.S. this awareness is expressed in contradictory ways, with the
Trumps of the world blaming capitalism’s victims and appealing to base
prejudice while the Sanders camp poses more palliative responses that
point to remedies that in essence keep the system intact along with its
leading party, the Democrats, who have proven to be the most malleable,
reliable, and skilled in channeling rising discontent back into the
establishment’s political framework.
Rhetoric aside, Sanders’ record of voting with the Democrats 98 percent
of the time—including his support to nearly all U.S. imperialist wars
and the annual trillion-dollar military budget—as well as his pledge to
support Hillary Clinton should he lose the present primary contests is
more than sufficient to justify his treatment in the corporate media as
a “legitimate” candidate.
Indeed, to the extent that Sanders travels the country to convince
ever-increasing numbers of young activists that the Democratic Party can
be effectively reformed, he is well suited to shepherding the
disillusioned back into the camp of the capitalist exploiters.
Sadly, those in the socialist movement who should know better, such as
Socialist Alternative and its elected Seattle city-council member,
Kshama Sawant, have opted to support Sanders and to organize rallies for
his campaign—with Sawant serving as a keynote speaker at a late March
Sanders rally in Seattle.
While Sanders has certainly brought new legitimacy and interest to
socialist ideas, a development that began to be reflected in the polls a
few years before his announced candidacy, he has also sought to obscure
socialism’s revolutionary content. As always, this task falls to those
who clearly understand the class divide in capitalist societies.
The revolutionary socialist future will be a product of the conscious
organization and mobilization of the broad working-class majority to end
capitalist rule once and for all. The construction of a revolutionary
socialist party to help in the leadership of this struggle stands at the
center of Socialist Action’s reason for being. Join us!
Posted in Elections. | Tagged Bernie Sanders, Clinton, Cruz, Democrats,
Republicans, Trump.
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