On Jul 25, 2017, at 10:15 PM, Manfredi, Albert E <albert.e.manfredi@xxxxxxxxxx>
wrote:
Craig Birkmaier wrote:
It IS a handful of special interests who benefit from Title II regulation
Bert.
What total crap. Everyone who uses the telephone network benefits, when it's
mandated to be strictly neutral.
You're sounding incoherent, Craig. I'm going to repeat the example of water
and sewer, and will ignore you idiotic reply that we did just fine with wells
and septic tanks. Certain utilities simply cannot compete adequately with
others, to have natural market forces self-regulate that industry.
The FTC said NO SUCH THING. That was the personal view of one DemocratBesides which, even if Title II is too much of a burden, *some* form of
neutrality mandate wouldn't need to be.
Exactly. That is what Pai is pushing for.
Total BS again. Ignoring the problem completely, and shoving the "privacy"
aspects (and only those) to the FTC, even when the FTC told him no way, is
HARDLY coming up with viable alternatives.
This is a democracy, Craig.
It's not allowable for lunatic extremist yahoos to make decisions as
dictators do. It's not how or system works, and thank goodness for that.
But when the study, titled the National Broadband Plan, was released in March
2010, it did not call for a massive new government program. It instead sang
the praises of wireless. Mobile networks, it claimed, were disrupting the
Internet landscape yet were choking on their own success. The runaway
popularity of smartphones and the “mobile data tsunami” had created a
desperate need for more bandwidth for mobile. To supply it, the Commission
proposed allocating 500 MHz to new liberal licenses—a doubling of available
mobile spectrum—by 2020. The NBP report documented that the FCC was taking
six to thirteen years to approve spectrum allocations. In the current
environment, waiting a decade for spectrum would frustrate innovators, rob
consumers, blunt broadband networks, and compromise the future. It was past
time to open up the spigots.
...
The TV band valuation fallacy demonstrates that just because certain popular
wireless applications exist, the bands allocated to such activities are not
necessarily well used or wisely regulated. The overwhelming consensus,
endorsed by the FCC in its 2010 National Broadband Plan, is that the 1952 TV
allocation table is obsolete. Better means are available to distribute video
than the old terrestrial broadcasting scheme, including popular networks
subscribed to by the great majority of viewers—cable TV, satellite TV, and
broadband Internet. Meanwhile, the opportunity to shift the use of TV
channels to enhance mobile networks is enormous, perhaps worth a trillion
dollars or more.
Liberating spectrum from the control of government is an important first step
to innovation in spectrum use. On this point, there is broad agreement, from
those who push for a spectrum commons to those . . . who push for a fully
propertized market. . . . Innovation moves too slowly when it must constantly
ask permission from politically-controlled agencies. The solution is . . .
removing these controllers.
Depoliticizing the Political Spectrum
Spectrum allocation has a long history of paradox. The best tool for
understanding it is not the physics of radio waves but in the economics of
public choice, which explains how special interests craft political
coalitions and ally with regulators to distribute favors that bless the
anointed while shorting entrepreneurial risk taking.
The “deregulation wave” of the 1970s changed history and many of its positive
externalities blessed the political spectrum. The Open Skies reform broke the
government-backed monopoly of Comsat in satellite communications in about
1975. Rules blocking cable TV to protect broadcast were relaxed in the late
1970s. By the late 1980s, cellular licenses had introduced a more open regime
in which competitive firms would decide what services to offer and what
business models and technologies to employ. By the 1990s, mobile networks had
eclipsed broadcasting as the preeminent wireless sector. The cozy spectrum
allocation club became overrun with new members.
I'd be embarrassed in their shoes, insisting on something so obviously
detested, by such a vast majority.,