[nasional_list] [ppiindia] The Zapatista's Return: A Masked Marxist on the Stump

  • From: "Ambon" <sea@xxxxxxxxxx>
  • To: <"Undisclosed-Recipient:;"@freelists.org>
  • Date: Sat, 7 Jan 2006 02:55:36 +0100

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**http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/06/international/americas/06mexico.html

San Cristóbal Journal
The Zapatista's Return: A Masked Marxist on the Stump 
By JAMES C. McKINLEY Jr.

Published: January 6, 2006
SAN CRISTÓBAL DE LAS CASAS, Mexico, Jan. 4 - This is the oddest political 
campaign to emerge in Mexico in many a year.

Skip to next paragraph 
 
Adriana Zehbrauskas for The New York Times
Marcos on tour, in San Cristóbal de las Casas on Wednesday. 

Enlarge This Image
 
Adriana Zehbrauskas for The New York Times
Zapatista supporters of Subcommander Marcos awaited him in Palenque on Tuesday. 
In his speeches, he blames "savage capitalism" and the rich for social problems 
from gay-baiting to racism to domestic violence. 

The candidate is a Marxist rebel leader who once started a civil war, wears a 
ski mask, smokes a pipe, keeps a crippled rooster as a mascot and is not on the 
ballot for any political office. 

Yet the start of a six-month national tour led by the man known as Subcommander 
Marcos has all the earmarks of a run-of-the-mill campaign for political office: 
slogans, chants, partisan songs, rallies large and small, a campaign caravan 
making stops in towns and cities, jabs at other politicians, cute presentations 
from children and hugs from local community leaders, shaking hands with 
admirers over a line of bodyguards, and the occasional obligation to kiss, or 
at least hug, a baby or two. 

Marcos, a captivating speaker who now calls himself Delegate Zero, even has a 
stump speech of sorts, in which he blames "savage capitalism" and the sins of 
the rich for everything from gay-baiting to racism to domestic violence. 

He intends to deliver it all over the country in advance of the presidential 
election in July, trying to convince voters that there is no real difference 
among the three candidates from the major parties because all are going to 
cater to an oligarchy of business leaders.

"In the coming days we are going to hear a ton of promises, lies, trying to 
give us hope that, yes, things are now going to get better if we change one 
government for another," he said Tuesday before a crowd of 4,000 masked 
followers in the town square of Palenque, site of noted Maya ruins. "Time and 
time again, every year, every three years, every six years, they sell us this 
lie."

The crowd of masked supporters, many of them farmers bused in that morning, 
held banners with slogans like "Death to the Free Trade Agreement" and "Death 
to Neoliberal Globalization." A red flag with hammer and sickle flew in the 
crowd. Nearby someone had strung up large portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin and 
Stalin.

"This is only going to change from the bottom and from the left," Marcos 
continued, picking up a recurrent theme. Then he promised a better, more equal 
world "where we can be respected for the work that we do, the value that we 
have as human beings, and not for our bank accounts or, let's say, a car, the 
type of vehicle we drive or the clothing we wear, a world where workers occupy 
a place that they deserve."

Marcos launched what he calls "the other campaign" on New Year's Day, 
surprising the nation by arriving in San Cristóbal de las Casas, the 
mountainous town he took by force in an armed uprising 12 years ago, on a 
motorcycle instead of a horse, his usual trademark. The spiffy machine was 
equipped with a special box for his rooster, dubbed the Penguin, because it has 
deformed feet and hobbles.

The leader of the Zapatista movement has promised a nonviolent movement and 
President Vicente Fox has guaranteed his safe passage as he visits all 31 
states. The first week, however, he has stuck to familiar turf in Chiapas, 
where his rebel movement long ago ceased to be a military threat but has 
thrived as an inspiration to left-wing idealists around the world. 

For security, Marcos keeps his whereabouts at night a mystery and arrives at 
events with a human shield of supporters, most in masks, among them women and 
children.

In January 1994, Marcos led an army of Indian farmers out of the mountains and 
took over the eastern part of the state of Chiapas, protesting the government's 
neglect of indigenous peoples. The government struck back with a huge offensive 
the following year, pushing the rebels back into the Lacandón jungle, which 
covers most of eastern Chiapas. The authorities say Marcos is actually a white 
college professor from a middle-class family whose name is Rafael Sebastián 
Guillén Vicente. 

Since the old corrupt single-party regime was toppled in the 2000 elections, 
support for Marcos and the Zapatista Liberation Army has waned somewhat here. 
The Fox government has poured more money into schools and antipoverty programs, 
while keeping a heavy military presence in the region. In the meantime, 
Congress has rejected some accords with the rebels that would have given Indian 
communities greater autonomy. 

Now, Marcos appears to be trying regain the national limelight with a 
nonviolent campaign aimed not at winning office, but at building a broad 
leftist movement to pressure politicians from the outside. 
His emergence from the jungle comes as leftist and indigenous leaders are 
making a comeback in many parts of Latin America, most recently in Bolivia with 
the election of Evo Morales.

On Wednesday, Marcos returned to this colonial town and visited a poor 
neighborhood on the outskirts, where he spoke to a few hundred people, mostly 
of Maya origin, in the pouring rain, attacking the candidate of the 
Institutional Revolutionary Party as a thief and saying the party had grown on 
"the blood of Indians." That night he showed up at a festival in the main 
square. 

About 5,000 people, many of them tourists and expatriate Zapatista backers, 
listened to hours of folk music before Marcos spoke. This time he used the 
story of his crippled Penguin as parable for the disenfranchised with whom he 
hopes to build a coalition: indigenous people, women, unionists, the young and 
jobless, homosexuals, factory workers and small farmers. His goal, he says, is 
"to transform society," not "from above, but from here below." 

An adroit humorist, Marcos brought guffaws from the crowd as he described his 
rooster's attempts to find love in the barnyard, which always ended in Penguin 
falling over before he could mate. 

That anecdote was told to persuade people to accept other kinds of love between 
same-sex couples. When someone in the back of the crowd shouted that Marcos 
could not heard, Marcos handled it like a seasoned stand-up comic.

"That's O.K.," he said. "This part is rated triple X. It's better you don't 
hear it."

Pedro Cruz, a 49-year-old construction worker, is typical of the Mexican voters 
he has been attracting to his speeches here. Like many working class people, 
Mr. Cruz is disenchanted with politics and contends that even the leftist Party 
of the Democratic Revolution will be corrupted by big business interests if its 
candidate, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, is elected. He says he does not intend 
to vote.

"Marcos is going to have a big influence, I think," he said. "The fact is, it 
gives us some hope there might be some help for the poor."


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