** Forum Nasional Indonesia PPI India Mailing List ** ** Untuk bergabung dg Milis Nasional kunjungi: ** Situs Milis: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ppiindia/ ** ** Beasiswa dalam negeri dan luar negeri S1 S2 S3 dan post-doctoral scholarship, kunjungi http://informasi-beasiswa.blogspot.com **http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20060105.E03&irec=2 Conflict resolution in Papua Jaap Timmer, Jakarta As an anthropologist dedicating much research to Papua, I follow developments in the region closely. Encounters with critically informed people and careful reading of public sources highlight to me an ongoing paradox in the way Papua and Jakarta approach each other. Both sides often fall back upon long-standing, more often than not stereotypical assumptions. In light of the progressive democratization in Indonesia, I would like to share my ideas about ways to overcome this paradox with the policy-makers responsible, in Jakarta as well as in Papua. Over the last few years, Papua has experienced the often-unsettling effects of inconsistent policies. Attracting greatest criticism on these lines are the conflicting laws for special autonomy for Papua as a whole, on the one hand, and a policy of pemekaran (administrative subdivision) allegedly designed to divide the people of Papua on the other. Policy-makers at all levels, both in Papua and in Jakarta, find themselves caught between protest and support for the new province of West Irian Jaya. At the same time, special autonomy did not get off the ground properly because of a four-year delay in the establishment of the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) due to political scheming in Jakarta. On top of that, there is lack of capacity in the formal sector in Papua to implement special autonomy properly and to control mounting corruption. It was feared that the MRP would become a "superbody" for Papuan separatists, as if such sentiments cannot be accommodated in a country that is fostering democracy with rapid strides. For the lack of control over corruption in Papua no excuse has been given, which is curious at a time when the nation's leader are intent precisely on curbing corruption. At the same time, we see that demonstrations, statements to the news or efforts at pressing Jakarta to enter into dialog with Papua are often perceived as a threat to the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. The unity of Indonesia is also supposedly threatened by non-governmental organizations, activists and government forces in the outside world. Papua is Indonesia's problem. What the people of Papua need from Jakarta is a sustained engagement with the myriad problems they face. These problems range from extreme poverty, unsustainable extraction of resources to lack of capacity in implementing proper models of governance. Poverty levels in the highlands are the highest in Indonesia and economic disparities lead to regional tensions. Poor governance is widening the gap between local people and the government. On top of that, decades of poorly controlled military action have generated a widespread collective memory of violence and humiliation. These accumulated factors conjure up the demon of independence that so easily mobilizes Papuans and paralyses Jakarta. There are two reasons for both sides to refrain from frenetic reactions. First, local demands for independence vary immensely and are generally not about an independent state. Instead, they signal the widespread demand for full political participation, respect for people's dignity, and equal sharing of the benefits of resource development projects. Second, policy paralysis reflects the fact that Jakarta knows very little about Papua. What to do? What has often been suggested but never actually pursued constructively is a frank dialog between leading people from all political and social movements in Papua. This would involve representatives of the DPR Papua (Papuan Legislative Council, Dewan Adat Papua (Papuan Traditional Council), Presidium Dewan Papua (Papuan Presidium Council), non-governmental organizations and all religious organizations searching together for policy strategies for development of the region. Instead of Jakarta reacting to demands from Papua, the President should proactively initiate such a dialog with a precise plan. This plan should focus on interests of the most vulnerable people (women and children) and the poorest regions, and on ameliorating the social and economic disparities between Papuans and non-Papuans. Obviously, positive results will not occur if the skills and workforce are inadequate. The plan must include a comprehensive capacity-building program for the government in Papua, beginning at the lowest levels. This capacity-building component should above all tackle the incompatibility between models of governance structured upon institutional principles of modern statehood and a variety of everyday social realities. Local ways of organizing communities and their ways of managing resources should form the backbone of development efforts. This is a formidable challenge, currently beyond most administrator's imagination, and not anticipated in by the legislative or executive bodies. Special autonomy regulations provided for this, but these were not implemented due to lack of capacity, and distraction by other concerns, such as meeting the inconsistent policies from Jakarta. People's protest against the special autonomy and the Papua's Legislative Council and the MRP's current involvement in the forthcoming gubernatorial elections indicate that there is strong involvement in politics at most levels of society. Last year, the high turnout of voters and the generally smooth implementation of the national elections in Papua clearly demonstrated the will to support civilian-led government and the rule of democracy in Indonesia. Jakarta should capitalize on these positive developments and assist those in Papua who are keen to foster democratization. In so doing, Jakarta should refrain from the current inclination to intervene in Papua's internal politics. Those most appalled by Jakarta's interference are those provincial leaders whose political agendas show sincere commitment to the region and its people. In fact, Jakarta should engage these leaders in a genuine partnership with the central government. As a response to the Papuan gambit of "independence" Jakarta should not back off but stress to all stakeholders that it knows how to channel into non-dependency within the republic. The suffering of Papuans at the hands of the state also informs that with people's distrust of Jakarta, reconciliation needs to take place. It is time to reflect on what has gone wrong over the last few decades and formulate adjustments. When the formal sector in Papua functions properly, the judicial system serves local communities, development materializes for all the people of Papua and the presence of the military no longer leads to violations of human rights, then the demands for secession will become groundless. The final chapter of full integration of Papua into the Republic of Indonesia is around the corner; it is now the President's turn to address the root causes of growing local dissatisfaction by delivering the long-promised reform. Dr. Jaap Timmer is a research fellow at the Centre for Pacific and Asian Studies at Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands. He is conducting research on the culture and history of Indonesian Papua, Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea. He can be reached at jaap.timmer@xxxxxxxxx . [Non-text portions of this message have been removed] ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> Clean water saves lives. Help make water safe for our children. http://us.click.yahoo.com/CHhStB/VREMAA/E2hLAA/BRUplB/TM --------------------------------------------------------------------~-> *************************************************************************** Berdikusi dg Santun & Elegan, dg Semangat Persahabatan. 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