[nasional_list] [ppiindia] Conflict resolution in Papua

  • From: "Ambon" <sea@xxxxxxxxxx>
  • To: <"Undisclosed-Recipient:;"@freelists.org>
  • Date: Thu, 5 Jan 2006 22:30:43 +0100

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Conflict resolution in Papua 
Jaap Timmer, Jakarta


As an anthropologist dedicating much research to Papua, I follow developments 
in the region closely. Encounters with critically informed people and careful 
reading of public sources highlight to me an ongoing paradox in the way Papua 
and Jakarta approach each other. Both sides often fall back upon long-standing, 
more often than not stereotypical assumptions. In light of the progressive 
democratization in Indonesia, I would like to share my ideas about ways to 
overcome this paradox with the policy-makers responsible, in Jakarta as well as 
in Papua.

Over the last few years, Papua has experienced the often-unsettling effects of 
inconsistent policies. Attracting greatest criticism on these lines are the 
conflicting laws for special autonomy for Papua as a whole, on the one hand, 
and a policy of pemekaran (administrative subdivision) allegedly designed to 
divide the people of Papua on the other. 

Policy-makers at all levels, both in Papua and in Jakarta, find themselves 
caught between protest and support for the new province of West Irian Jaya. At 
the same time, special autonomy did not get off the ground properly because of 
a four-year delay in the establishment of the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) 
due to political scheming in Jakarta. On top of that, there is lack of capacity 
in the formal sector in Papua to implement special autonomy properly and to 
control mounting corruption. 

It was feared that the MRP would become a "superbody" for Papuan separatists, 
as if such sentiments cannot be accommodated in a country that is fostering 
democracy with rapid strides. For the lack of control over corruption in Papua 
no excuse has been given, which is curious at a time when the nation's leader 
are intent precisely on curbing corruption. 

At the same time, we see that demonstrations, statements to the news or efforts 
at pressing Jakarta to enter into dialog with Papua are often perceived as a 
threat to the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. The unity of 
Indonesia is also supposedly threatened by non-governmental organizations, 
activists and government forces in the outside world. 

Papua is Indonesia's problem. What the people of Papua need from Jakarta is a 
sustained engagement with the myriad problems they face. These problems range 
from extreme poverty, unsustainable extraction of resources to lack of capacity 
in implementing proper models of governance. 

Poverty levels in the highlands are the highest in Indonesia and economic 
disparities lead to regional tensions. Poor governance is widening the gap 
between local people and the government. On top of that, decades of poorly 
controlled military action have generated a widespread collective memory of 
violence and humiliation. These accumulated factors conjure up the demon of 
independence that so easily mobilizes Papuans and paralyses Jakarta. 

There are two reasons for both sides to refrain from frenetic reactions. 

First, local demands for independence vary immensely and are generally not 
about an independent state. Instead, they signal the widespread demand for full 
political participation, respect for people's dignity, and equal sharing of the 
benefits of resource development projects. 

Second, policy paralysis reflects the fact that Jakarta knows very little about 
Papua. 

What to do? What has often been suggested but never actually pursued 
constructively is a frank dialog between leading people from all political and 
social movements in Papua. This would involve representatives of the DPR Papua 
(Papuan Legislative Council, Dewan Adat Papua (Papuan Traditional Council), 
Presidium Dewan Papua (Papuan Presidium Council), non-governmental 
organizations and all religious organizations searching together for policy 
strategies for development of the region. 

Instead of Jakarta reacting to demands from Papua, the President should 
proactively initiate such a dialog with a precise plan. This plan should focus 
on interests of the most vulnerable people (women and children) and the poorest 
regions, and on ameliorating the social and economic disparities between 
Papuans and non-Papuans. Obviously, positive results will not occur if the 
skills and workforce are inadequate. 

The plan must include a comprehensive capacity-building program for the 
government in Papua, beginning at the lowest levels. This capacity-building 
component should above all tackle the incompatibility between models of 
governance structured upon institutional principles of modern statehood and a 
variety of everyday social realities. 

Local ways of organizing communities and their ways of managing resources 
should form the backbone of development efforts. This is a formidable 
challenge, currently beyond most administrator's imagination, and not 
anticipated in by the legislative or executive bodies. Special autonomy 
regulations provided for this, but these were not implemented due to lack of 
capacity, and distraction by other concerns, such as meeting the inconsistent 
policies from Jakarta. 

People's protest against the special autonomy and the Papua's Legislative 
Council and the MRP's current involvement in the forthcoming gubernatorial 
elections indicate that there is strong involvement in politics at most levels 
of society. Last year, the high turnout of voters and the generally smooth 
implementation of the national elections in Papua clearly demonstrated the will 
to support civilian-led government and the rule of democracy in Indonesia. 

Jakarta should capitalize on these positive developments and assist those in 
Papua who are keen to foster democratization. In so doing, Jakarta should 
refrain from the current inclination to intervene in Papua's internal politics. 
Those most appalled by Jakarta's interference are those provincial leaders 
whose political agendas show sincere commitment to the region and its people. 
In fact, Jakarta should engage these leaders in a genuine partnership with the 
central government. 

As a response to the Papuan gambit of "independence" Jakarta should not back 
off but stress to all stakeholders that it knows how to channel into 
non-dependency within the republic. The suffering of Papuans at the hands of 
the state also informs that with people's distrust of Jakarta, reconciliation 
needs to take place. 

It is time to reflect on what has gone wrong over the last few decades and 
formulate adjustments. When the formal sector in Papua functions properly, the 
judicial system serves local communities, development materializes for all the 
people of Papua and the presence of the military no longer leads to violations 
of human rights, then the demands for secession will become groundless. 

The final chapter of full integration of Papua into the Republic of Indonesia 
is around the corner; it is now the President's turn to address the root causes 
of growing local dissatisfaction by delivering the long-promised reform. 

Dr. Jaap Timmer is a research fellow at the Centre for Pacific and Asian 
Studies at Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands. He is conducting 
research on the culture and history of Indonesian Papua, Solomon Islands and 
Papua New Guinea. He can be reached at jaap.timmer@xxxxxxxxx

. 


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