On Page 128, Peters writes, "A tragedy of our time is that the left has squandered the last of its moral capital by elevating rigid anti-Americanism above human rights and freedom. Campus theorists were able to hijack the left even in the United States, thanks to a splendid paradox of history. In America, the workers of the world won. The traditional leftist program for which labor leaders struggled ended in a triumph for the working man and woman, thanks to the progress of capitalism, a system whose dynamism Marx and his followers never grasped. The American worker's priority shifted from a fight for economic justice to a desire to enjoy the gains achieved, leaving the left to ideologues who now disdain the workers as fully as they despise the government he or she chooses at the polls. "Human rights and freedom should not be polarizing issues in America. They should unite us. But our domestic ideologues, in slavish imitation of their foreign counterparts, would rather see a million black or brown human beings die than accord Washington the right to intervene. "Instead they argue that all crises should be referred to the United Nations. But the UN is hopelessly corrupt. Will a Security Council that includes France, Russia, and China ever vote to remove a bloodstained regime? When the Oil-for-Food Program scandal broke we learned that the permanent Security Council members who opposed our intervention in Iraq had been making billions of dollars by helping Saddam Hussein subvert sanctions (the sanctions that critics of the war insisted would have worked, if given time). The General Assembly will not approve the deposition of tyrants because so many of its members would have reason themselves to fear, were justice and freedom to be acknowledged as grounds for intervention." ". . . for all the mixed blessings it offers, the United Nations will not and cannot advance the cause of freedom. The body is a prisoner of its own membership. And its members will defend the sovereign privileges of tyrants over human rights every time. "The United States should not withdraw from the UN, but it should impose more rigor upon it - past efforts have been halfhearted and inadequate. We should not provide the level of funding we do today and should 'demote' the organization by favoring regional bodies. "Most important, we must recognize that a new century demands a new organization, one that elevates moral purpose, freedom and common sense above inclusiveness. Let the mouthpieces of tyrants have their say at the UN. Meanwhile, we must build an Alliance of Democratic Nations, constructed around the Anglolateral core of states that form the vanguard of liberty. We need a new organization that attracts would-be members with the hope of joining an exclusive club, an association of rule-of-law democracies that cherish freedom, human rights, and the individual citizen. At present, the UN does its best to paralyze the forces of human advancement. We need an organization that not only espouses liberty and justice for all, but which acts upon its principles. "The establishment of such an organization would be met with howls of outrage from despots everywhere, and even from superficial democracies such as France. The anger would mask their fear that a body of democratic nations would be a far more effective champion of the oppressed than the 'democracy' of the UN in which tyrannies enjoy an equal voice in deciding our global future." ". . . Such an institution would slowly gut the UN, forcing it either to amend its ways or die a slow death. But if the UN will not act for humankind, the United States and like-minded nations can no longer afford to pretend that the UN is the only organization a tormented world requires." Lawrence