[lit-ideas] Re: Resistance to Rome and others

  • From: Jlsperanza@xxxxxxx
  • To: lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
  • Date: Sun, 6 Apr 2014 07:58:27 -0400 (EDT)

In a message dated 4/5/2014 1:52:46 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time,  
lawrencehelm@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx was wondering about the implicature of  my:

"Mattingly is into the conquered, not the conqueror".

I guess  it is a sort of cheap expression, this usage of being 'into' -- 
especially as  appplied to 'conquered'. But I _guess_ I had in mind a reading 
of this Bryn Mawr  review. So I will extract some passages where the 
reviewer uses 'conquered' (or  "British native conquered", actually) versus 
'conqueror' (or "Roman conqueror"  if you must) and comment below.

L. Helm then considers two other  issues:

i. How objective can Mattingly be? ((i) below)
ii. How Mattingly compares to Gibbons ((ii) below), as they cover the same  
period, but working with different presuppositions in Collingwood's sense 
(and  it's good Helm cites Collingwood when some reviewers of the Mattingly 
book in  amazon.com mention Collingwood's classic on the theme as 'still 
standing to  test', if that's the expression. 

[(i) "Mattingly’s idea of the historian  would prevent him from coloring 
his history to suit his prejudices (which isn’t  to say this couldn’t have 
happened merely that he wouldn’t have intended  it).  On the other hand if an 
historian, no matter how noble and true to  Collingwood’s “idea of history” 
discovers that his conclusions coincide with the  presuppositions of his 
age, he should at least suspect them.  I found  Mattingly rather clinical for 
the most part.  In challenging Tacitus’  prejudices in regard to Rome, his 
father-in-law Agricola, Roman policy etc, does  Mattingly err in the opposite 
direction?  I didn’t think so at the  time.  However I didn’t dredge 
Tacitus up to find out if Mattingly was  being completely accurate and honest.  
I 
assumed that he was and still so  assume, but Mattingly has been accused of 
being a Post-Colonialist.  I  don’t know if he is, but that accusation 
seems unfair if one is siding with  one’s ancestors 2,000 years removed and if 
the colonial power that oppressed  them has long since ceased to exist."

(ii): "What I wondered about while reading Mattingly was what Gibbons wrote 
 about these matters.  I read Gibbons also eons ago and then not all the 
way  through.  As I recall Gibbon was a great admirer of Rome.  He didn’t  
blame the resistors for its fall but the Church, and in the process considered  
Rome’s fall a great tragedy.  If I remember correctly, then I wonder to  
what extent Gibbon’s having lived during the British Empire influenced in in  
such a way that he was overly sympathetic toward Rome – especially if there 
is  anything to the idea that Mattingly’s living in the post-colonial period 
has  influenced his criticism of Rome and its practices.". . . 

Helm  adds:

"In quoting from Sykes above I intended an inference somewhat like  the one 
Shelley intended in Ozymandias."

-- which was good to learn,  since that poem is so full of meanings!
 
I should add that I came across yet another review of the Mattingly book by 
 a French scholar -- in English translation -- (available online). The 
reviewer  was surprised that no bibliography other than English to cover the 
"Three  Galliae" was mentioned, and that he found the book a hard read in that 
so little  presuppositions were shared! On the other hand, I was warmed (if 
that's the  expression) to see that Mattingly quotes in the preface to his 
book one of my  favourite quotes from my favourite History of English ever, 
"1066 and all that"  (Mattingly calls it a spoof): the Roman occupation, in 
the words of Sellars and  Yeatman, was 'a good thing'! It's sad Mattingly 
doesn't care to reproduce the  relevant graphic cartoon illustration here: a 
lovely Roman enjoying a bath in  Bath! Mattingly uses the quote (that expands 
to refer to Rome as being 'top  nation' then on account of their 'classical 
education etc' and the fact that  there was little reason, as it were for 
the 'natives' ("as we Brits when were",  as it were) to 'resist'. Mattingly 
takes the quote as merely _TELLING_ about  nineteenth-century attitudes, _NOT_ 
those contemporary to the invasion (and he  must be right there, although 
there may be further implicatures he is missing!  :)). 
 
I must say I identified the passage in Gibbons dealing with the period and  
append it below, but first for this reviewer in the Bryn Mawr (link 
provided in  my previous post):

"Most previous scholars choose the view-point of the Conqueror (The  Roman) 
... Mattingly, instead, ponders the effect of Roman rule on the native  
population in Britain." This is clear enough. It should be added that this is a 
 volume in a series, "History of Britain" (Penguin history of Britain --  
Mattingly makes a point as to how valuable the Roman British chapter in the  
PELICAN history of England -- which had appeared in 1955 -- still remains).  

Mattingly points out that the history of the provincial of BRITANNIA has  
never been studied from the perspective of the defeated or conquered, since 
both  the colonialist and post-colonialist scholars who studied it have 
always  identified with the ROMAN CONQUEROR rather than the 'barbaric British'. 
This  relates to this quote used by Mattingly to comical effect from "1066 
and all  that" that the Britons were 'mere natives' then while Rome was top 
nation "on  account of their classical education etc" but it also touches on 
Helm's point  above about how unfair Mattingly can be here. Helm suggests 
Mattingly  ain't:
 
Helm: "Mattingly has been accused of being a Post-Colonialist.  I  don’t 
know if he is, but that accusation seems unfair if one is siding with  one’s 
ancestors 2,000 years removed and if the colonial power that oppressed  them 
has long since ceased to exist."
 
And one wonders about NON-Roman British in the period covered. Because this 
 is supposed to be a part of the History of Britain, and yet only the Roman 
 occupied bits (most of Southern Britain -- but highly the Highlands that 
never  succumbed -- cfr. Gibbons below -- Caledonia --. Apparently, the 
editor of the  series did not feel the need to even have an appendix on that. 
This SEEMS to  presuppose a presupposition alla Collingwood that remains 
unchallenged?).

It was interesting that L. Helm would start his original post with a  
reference to France, since it's mentioned by the reviewer for Bryn Mawr and 
also  
the other reviewer from France I came across:

This [defeatist approach]  contrast with the situation in France, where 
Vercingetorix became a symbol of  French resistance to the German occupation 
during the Second World War, while  British historians , Mattingly argues, 
tend to glorify the Roman  conqueror.
 
This French reviewer was finding the approach simplistic and in any case  
perplexing for the historian -- and he suggests that Mattingly is _not_ being 
 objective (I should find the link! It was merely an English translation of 
the  review originally appeared in French). 
 
Other points made by the Bryn Mawr reviewer are:

Mattingly notes the archaeological evidence is slightly skewed, since  the 
choice of excavated sites favoured the Roman CONQUERORS of Britain.  

Mattingly writes that the Romans were ruthless in the slaughter and  
enslavement of rebellious opponents. His focus is on 'resist' rather than  
harmonising this history of Britain with a history of Rome, as it were. (Oddly, 
 a 
reference is made to the effect that the Roman historians would take into  
account the defeated in more than one way -- I am reminded of one of my  
favourite statues in Rome _ever_: the defeated Gallata in the Campidoglio --,  
although it is true that, as Mattingly notes, Tacitus's histories lack 
specific  toponymic references -- Mattingly suggests they would bore the 
'aristocratic  elite' in Rome for which the books were intended, as 'too 
barbarian'. 
YET: I  should mention that one of the MOST BEAUTIFUL things one learns from 
Tacitus, I  found, was the name of the Anglo-Frisian: the Ingvaeones (in 
one spelling  variant) -- but his comes from his "Germania". The title has 
been used by  linguists to refer to that particular tribe which will end 
occupying Britain  after the Roman secession. 
 
I continue to quote (slighly paraphrasing) the Bryn Mawr  reviewer.

Mattingly points out that the Roman military treated civilians  quite 
harshly, although this assumption is based mainly upon records from  provinces 
OTHER than Britannia.

Mattingly's view may be slightly one-sided and influenced by studies on  
more modern colonial systems. It is evident that there must have been a lot of 
 dissatisfaction with the Roman rule in Britain during the period following 
the  conquest, as shown by the revolts of the first century AD. However, by 
the early  fifth century AD it is unlikely that there would have been much 
awareness of the  status quo before the conquest or longing for the freedom 
of their pre-Roman  ancestors, especially in those areas that were not near 
the frontier. 
 
Again, as we illustrate my point about Mattingly being 'into' the  
conquered:

"He offers a new point of view, analysing the province from  the 
perspective of the conquered rather than the conquerors."

Many of  Mattingly's theories on the native British view-point on Roman 
Britain differ  significantly from other scholars' analyses of Roman Britain. 

Because  Mattingly's essay  is mainly a collection of sources on the Roman  
CONQUERORS rather than the conquered, not through the fault of the author 
but  because our main source material still comes from this part of 
Romano-British  society, any conclusions about the native British feelings on 
the 
Roman rule are  largely based upon more recent examples, such as the slave 
trade in western  Africa, and are therefore highly hypothetical. 

As for Gibbons, I find he  writes cursorily (if that's the word) about 
Britannia, and I do wonder if there  are more specific studies in the area. He 
does mention Caractacus and Boadica  ('as the Victorians styled her', I think 
Mattingly writes), but his focus in in  Caledonia -- an obsession with Dr. 
Johnson (as he explored Ossian's land). I am  reminded that Gibbons's book 
was sort of mandatory material for the English  engaged in the Grand Tour 
(leading to the Mediterranean -- as Dr. Johnson put  it: 'the whole point of 
the Grand Tour is to reach the shore of the  Mediterranean') rather than 
having a more local point for Gibbons's  countrymen.

Gibbons writes:

"After a war of about forty years,  undertaken by the most stupid, 
maintained by the most dissolute, and terminated  by the most timid of all the 
emperors, the far greater part of [Britannia]  submitted to the Roman yoke."

"The various tribes of Britain possessed  valour without conduct."

"They possessed the love of freedom without the  spirit of union."

"The British tribes took up arms with savage  fierceness."

"They laid them down, or turned them against each other,  with wild 
inconsistency."

"And while they fought singly, they were  successively subdued."

"Neither the fortitude of Caractacus, nor the  despair of Boadicea, nor the 
fanaticism of the Druids, could avert the slavery  of [Britannia], or 
resist the steady progress of the imperial generals, who  maintained the 
national 
glory, when the throne was disgraced by the weakest, or  the most vicious 
of mankind."

"At the very time when Domitian, confined  to his palace, felt the terrors 
which he inspired, his legions, under the  command of the virtuous Agricola, 
defeats the collected force of the  Caledonians, at the foot of the 
Grampian Hills; and his fleets, venturing to  explore an unknown and dangerous 
navigation, displayed the Roman arms round  every part of the island."

"The conquest of Britain was considered as  already achieved; and it was 
the design of Agricola to complete and insure his  success, by the easy 
reduction of Ireland, for which, in his opinion, one legion  and a few 
auxiliaries 
were sufficient."

"The western isle might be  improved into a valuable possession, and the 
Britons would wear their chains  with the less reluctance, if the prospect and 
example of freedom were on every  side removed from before their eyes."

"But the superior merit of Agricola  soon occasions his removal from the 
government of Britain."

"And forever  disappointed this rational, though extensive scheme of 
conquest."

"Before  Agricola's departure, the prudent general had provided for 
security as well as  for dominion."

"Agricola had observed, that [Britannia] is almost divided  into two 
unequal parts by the opposite gulfs, or, as they are now called, the  Friths of 
Scotland."

"Across the narrow interval of about forty miles,  Agricola draws a line of 
military stations, which was afterwards fortified, in  the reign of 
Antoninus Pius, by a turf rampart, erected on foundations of  stone."

"This wall of Antoninus, at a small distance beyond the modern  cities of 
Edinburgh and Glasgow, was fixed as the limit of  [Britannia]."

"The native Caledonians preserved, in the northern  extremity of the 
island, their wild independence, for which they were not less  indebted to 
their 
poverty than to their valour."

"The Caledonian  incursions were frequently repelled and chastised."

"But Caledonia was  never subdued."

"The masters of the fairest and most wealthy climates of  the globe turned 
with contempt from gloomy hills, assailed by the winter  tempest, from lakes 
concealed in a blue mist, and from cold and lonely heaths,  over which the 
deer of the forest were chased by a troop of naked  barbarians."

which brings us back to the land of Ossian!
 
I think Mattingly has done an excellent thing, and I treasure the fact that 
 he identifies as an archeologist (rather than a historian) and that he is 
based  where Roman archaeology thrives: Leicester. He has written and edited 
other  works on the Roman Empire as such with a focus on power and 
oppression, and he  'Imperial possession' text cannot be denied an important 
place 
in the area  covered. I loved the dedication, "To the Harolds", since it was 
via Harold  Mattingly Sr (his grandfather) that he first learned about Roman 
history (he was  a numimastic scholar based in London -- British Museum? -- 
while Harold Jr. --  David Mattingly's son -- taught him the value of 
heterodoxy, which inspired him  to adopt this new and 'heretical' (I think he 
calls it) account of 'Britannia',  43 A. D. -- 409 A. D. 
 
And I thank L. Helm for bringing the material (and his insights) to this  
forum. 
 
Cheers,
 
Speranza

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