Phil writes: Robert Paul is right when he notes that not knowing "a priori what some endeavour’s limits are doesn’t mean that it shouldn’t be undertaken (or that it has no limits)." However, my concern is not with limit cases but with the mere application or instantiation of the right to life as maintenance of life. *I take this to mean that Phil is not concerned with clear cases, cases about which there would very likely be generous agreement but with whether if a right to life exists there is a derivative or corollary right to the maintenance of life. I think there is. Phil is not so sure. While we would like the government to step in and support such a woman [a poor, pregnant mom], we feel no such thing when Melinda Gates, Bill Gates' wife, has her child. It would seem odd to insist that Melinda has a right to government support because we would want to say that she doesn't need it. *Yes, it would be. But it doesn’t follow from her not needing it that she has no right to it. I don’t need to drive to Seattle, because a friend has offered to take me; but I still retain my right to travel about freely. Phil may be playing on our intuition that it would be piggish of Melinda to insist that the government pay her medical bills (as long as all goes well with Microsoft), but in general, that A doesn’t need x doesn’t entail that A has no right to x. And the same could be said for many people. It makes sense to have workplace standards of safety but it doesn't make sense to regulate homes for standards of safety. It couldn't be that health and welfare concerns don't apply in the home but rather that places of employment are the sorts of places where there is a need for safety standards. Here again, the workplace is a limit case that appears to need government intervention regarding health and welfare. *We simply disagree, I think. But in any event, there are already requirements that homes be safe: building codes are supposed to assure that houses are, e.g. asbestos-free; there are safety codes for home appliances (‘UL approved’); and so on. Not all that long ago (David Ritchie would know about this) Scotland passed legislation to require that fireplaces have screens because of the number of children who died by falling into or coming too close to open fireplaces. Gas lines, power lines, etc., must be installed correctly. There’s quite a long list. *I don’t know why Phil says that homes are not ‘places where there is a need for safety standards.’ However, a right, and certainly an inalienable right, is not conditional. It seems that there is a problem with the application of this right to maintenance of life in that in particular cases, the right doesn't seem appropriate. *Is this the Melinda Gates case again? Why not say that a right to something exists even when one doesn’t need the benefits gained through the exercise of it? One could reasonably say that I have a right to free speech even though as a matter of fact nothing I say offends anybody or goes counter to anyone else’s beliefs. What makes it problematic is that the application of the right seems to depend on need but rights cannot be contingent. *This strikes me as a muddle. Of course one’s right to maintain one’s life remains even though one at the moment doesn’t need the help of others to remain healthy, just as my First Amendment rights remain even though no one is threatened or disturbed by what I say or write. If I have a right to education, I have that right whether I can afford education or not. If I have a right to health, then I have that right whether I can afford it or not. *I think I’ve been saying much the same thing. Where Phil and I seem to part is that I believe that if I have a right to education even though I cannot afford it (let’s pretend that we’re in a world where there is no public elementary and secondary education, no scholarships, and no student loans), so that it really is impossible for me to get it, then to go on claiming I have such a right is nonsense. (I’m not even saying that everyone does have a right to an education, although I would like to bring it about that something like that were true.) And if the government has a duty to act on these rights, ideally, all health and education should be free. Yet, resources are limited so the temptation is to say that those who can afford to pay for education and health should. But wealthy people have those rights as much as poor people. *Yes. I’ve tried to discuss this above. Maybe all education and healthcare should be free, but this has never been my claim (nor did I mean this to become a discussion of rights in general). To take a simpler example, the First Amendment doesn’t give me the right to free stamps and stationery. So, as I see it, it returns to the matter of need. But rights don't apply to needs. *I’m not quite sure what this means. Both these things seem to me to be true: If someone has a right to something, then he or she need not exercise that right (because there is no need to in certain circumstances), and one retains a right even though one doesn’t need (in certain circumstances) to exercise it. It seems to me that there is a fundamental contradiction in building a case for a right to maintenance of life with reference to a contingent need. (This was what I was aiming at when I brought up the problem of the extent and intrusiveness of a right to maintenance of life in that such issues ought to be irrelevant in light of the nature of an inalienable right.) But, as I said before, this is a practical, though still philosophical, issue because it addresses particular cases. *The right isn’t derived from an accumulation of particular cases of need. It is a clear inference from the reality of a right to life as found in the Constitution. By ‘the reality’ of this right, I mean that the Founders did not mean to palter with us in a double sense, keeping the promise to our ears, and breaking it to our hopes. What I’ve said about the right to health as a corollary of this right to life is entirely parochial. It was prompted by someone’s having said that there was no Constitutional right to healthcare. I’m not talking about how it is or ought to be in other times and places but about rights in the US only. I think this discussion has wider relevance (if it has any) to the human condition, but unlike Kant, I’m not presuming to legislate for all mankind. The logical and conceptual connections are what interest me. In my opinion, all talk of rights is nonsensical but I can make some sense of a right to life where that right is protection of life and property from another. *The right to property and the right to life may be cousins (e.g. a right to shelter bears on a right to life) but they aren’t identical twins. A government is fulfilling its duty when it protects its borders from invaders, enforces a set of laws that punish those who do steal and injure, and establishes a policing force to prevent theft and injury. *This is certainly a minimalist interpretation but I have no arguments to show that it should be extended other than those I’ve sketched above. This satisfaction lies in its universality (i.e. it applies to all of the citizenry) and establishment of criteria (i.e. rule of law). But under what conditions does the government satisfy its duty to the right of maintenance of life? *I doubt this can be decided by sitting in a room with the shades drawn. In Canada we have universal health care which aims to satisfy the condition of universality. The problem lies in the criteria for determining its application. At one point, and here others from Ontario can correct me, it was possible to get breast augmentation for free. When this became public knowledge, there was an outcry because many people felt that getting a boob job was not a matter of maintenance of life. *This would be an empirical question. I don’t myself see how enhancing one’s profile this way would be a matter of life and death. But why not? How could this issue be settled without, at some point, referring to particular goods? And here is the problem: what counts as satisfying the right to maintenance of life cannot be articulated with reference to particular goods. *That a right is universal, absolute, or inalienable doesn’t mean that it applies only to goods and conditions that cannot be described, lest the right suddenly become itself contingent. That is, the universality of inalienable rights is inimical to the particularity of goods but I don't know of any way to articulate a satisfactory account of health and welfare without reference to goods. Anything beyond the most minimal account of life as survival strikes me as involving the language of goods. *The ‘language of goods’ means, I think, talk about particular things and circumstances. Since it’s hard to talk about what things and circumstances are like ‘in general,’ I cannot see the problem Phil says he sees. It’s as if one thought that the concept quadruped would somehow cease to be a real concept if one mentioned the things that fell under it, its extension. For this reason, I would argue that the right to life ought to be understood as minimally as possible. Again, this does not mean that government shouldn't help those who need help, but this should not be understood according to the discourse of rights. *I don’t know why one should understand it as minimally as possible simply because in explicating and applying it one must, and pedagogically should) talk about examples in the real world. *I share Phil’s distrust of explanations that reduce everything to rights—usually. Deontology was always my worst subject. But as this discussion came about when someone denied that a certain right did not exist, it essentially involves such things. Again, thanks. Robert Paul Reed College ------------------------------------------------------------------ To change your Lit-Ideas settings (subscribe/unsub, vacation on/off, digest on/off), visit www.andreas.com/faq-lit-ideas.html