Omar, You have written, "SInce you do not indicate being supportive or even tolerant of any of these [i.e. your idea of what would be diplomatic in this case] ideas, I think that I will continue to view you as being pro-war." What I say in response to that is that any approach that achieves U.S. objectives short of actual war or punitive strike, even if involves the threat of war, must be considered diplomacy. You also wrote, "I also think that some (though by no means all) of the US policy in the past has been wiser than that. After all, the US did not launch pre-eventive nuclear attacks on the USSR or PR China to prevent them from developing nuclear weapons." Don't forget that while Political Realism may not have been the official posture in any administration other than Nixon's, Realistic considerations are difficult to avoid when considering such courses of action as you describe. What you say would be decisive if we placed some form of legalism (e.g., enforcing the NPT unilaterally) above National Interest, but that has not been the case. Our main contention with China had to do with Taiwan with which we had a treaty. If China attacked Taiwan militarily, we would come to its defense. China's having the bomb or using it could threaten our allies (South Korea and Japan) but practically speaking China seemed to be doing their best to mount a creditable threat in case we came to blows over Taiwan. And as much or more than their worry about Taiwan was their border concerns with India and Russia. As to North Korea, the Clinton Administration agreed to South Korea's "Sunshine Policy," in which they (primarily South Korea and the U.S.) would give NK all sorts of things, sort like your item two recommendation for diplomacy, in return for NK giving up their nuclear ambitions. It was in the nature of the Sunshine that no one would check to see if NK was really doing what they promised to do. All of that Sunshine baggage was in the way of the Bush Administration's trying something else, even if it wanted to. China, Japan and South Korea have more of an interest in the activities of North Korea than we do. That is, more of a National Interest in the Morgenthau sense of the term. Only if you apply a non-Realistic criteria does it seem as though America is being inconsistent. In regard to Iran, our National Interests have been threatened by Iran-inspired and financed terrorist activities, direct threats to America's allies (Britain and Israel), an avowed desire to destroy the U.S. (Khomeini's "Great Satan" speeches the effect of which are included to a certain extent, as I understand from reading Robin Wright, in the Iranian constitution), and Iran's potential, given their belligerence, for preventing the free flow of shipping through the Straits of Hormuz should that suit what they conceive to be their national interests. Our inclination to tolerate Iran's threats seems to have lessened since evidence has been discovered indicating their pursuit of nuclear weapons. You seem to be hoping that by applying moral pressure to the U.S., that the U.S. can be induced to give in to Iran's National Interests and give up its own. I don't really believe it works that way. The Reality is that both Iran and the U.S. will advance what they, respectively, believe to be their National Interests with as much power as they possess, and the U.S. has quite a bit more power than Iran does. Lawrence -----Original Message----- From: lit-ideas-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx [mailto:lit-ideas-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx] On Behalf Of Omar Kusturica Sent: Tuesday, May 16, 2006 8:56 AM To: lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx Subject: [lit-ideas] Re: Motive, and the quality of foreign policy --- Lawrence Helm <lawrencehelm@xxxxxxxxxxxx> wrote: Furthermore I have said any > number of times that I am > supportive of the diplomatic attempts by several > nations to 1) stop Iran > from developing nuclear weapons *I was thinking that 1) the "diplomatic attempts" might include direct and high-level talks with the US as well. 2) They might include some substantial offers in the area of diplomatic relations, economic co-operation etc. 3) The option of allowing Iran to develop nuclear weapons, if it wishes and has an ability to do so, does not have to be rejected a priori and at all costs. SInce you do not indicate being supportive or even tolerant of any of these ideas, I think that I will continue to view you as being pro-war. I also think that some (though by no means all) of the US policy in the past has been wiser than that. After all, the US did not launch pre-eventive nuclear attacks on the USSR or PR China to prevent them from developing nuclear weapons. In drawing > attention to the proximity of > the normalization of relations with Libya to the > Ahmadinejad letter, I > argued that this could plausibly be shown to be a > Realistic (as in > Morgenthau's definition of Political Realism) > approach to the Iranian > problem. I believe it can be seen from my language > that I approved of this > approach (assuming an association between Libyan > normalization and diplomacy > with Iran). *So if Iran would agree to suspend uranium enrichment, and to stay away from Israel, we wouldn't be hearing about its human rights violations etc. ? I approciate the honesty but I think that we need an approach that is more comprehensive and imaginative, not just realistic. You are right though that your approach is probably in line with much (but not all)of the US Cold War policy. O.K.