[lit-ideas] Israel's Raid on the Jericho Jail and British Duplicity

  • From: Omar Kusturica <omarkusto@xxxxxxxxx>
  • To: lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
  • Date: Sat, 18 Mar 2006 03:20:16 -0800 (PST)

March 15, 2006
http://www.counterpunch.org/cook03152006.html
Britain's Duplicity
Israel's Raid on the Jericho Jail
By JONATHAN COOK

In the looking-glass world of Middle East politics, it
is easy to forget 
that Ahmad Saadat, the imprisoned Palestinian leader
Israel summarily 
arrested in Jericho late on Tuesday, is wanted for
masterminding the 
killing of the Jewish state's most notorious racist
politician-general.

Rehavam Zeevi, head of the Central Command in the late
1960s and early 
1970s, personally developed and managed Israel's
brutal regime in the 
newly occupied West Bank. After retiring from the
battlefield, he waged 
a relentless war against "the Arabs" on the political
front. His Moledet 
party, founded in the 1980s, advocated the ethnic
cleansing of 
Palestinians from Greater Israel--in other words, from
Israel and the 
occupied territories.

His thinking became so acceptable after the outbreak
of the intifada 
that he was appointed tourism minister in Ariel
Sharon's first cabinet. 
Maybe Sharon thought that, with Zeevi for company, he
really might start 
to look like a man of peace.

Zeevi's killing by gunmen in a Jerusalem hotel in 2001
was about as 
close as the Palestinians have managed to get to
emulating an 
Israeli-style targeted assassination--with the
difference that, in the 
Palestinian operation, no bystanders were killed.

Israelis were, and still are, horrified by the killing
of Zeevi, with 
most taking the view that the Palestinians broke all
the rules of 
engagement in targeting an elected politician. That
neatly ignores the 
point that Zeevi's death was retribution for Israel's
earlier 
assassination of a widely respected Palestinian
politician, Abu Ali 
Mustafa, the leader of the Popular Front for the
Liberation of 
Palestine.

But what is sauce for the goose was never going to be
sauce for the 
gander.

Ahmad Saadat, Mustafa's successor and the man blamed
by Israel for 
Zeevi's killing, raced to the top of the army's wanted
list. Under 
international pressure, the Palestinian Authority, in
the days before it 
was entirely dismembered by the Israeli army, arrested
him.

To prevent his targeting for assassination by Israel,
and in the vain 
hope of winning a reprieve for Yasser Arafat from his
effective house 
arrest in Ramallah, the Palestinian leadership
brokered a deal with 
Britain and the United States in 2002. The two
countries agreed to 
provide monitors to guarantee Saadat's confinement in
the tiny West Bank 
town of Jericho, in the sun-baked lowlands of the
Jordan Valley.

Four years later, on Tuesday morning, Britain reneged
on its 
understandings with the Palestinians and quit Jericho,
but not before 
telling Israel it was going. As if waiting for its
cue, Israeli armour 
rolled into Jericho at once to capture Saadat and a
handful of other 
wanted men.

To Palestinians, the British broken promise, as well
as the hasty exit 
from Jericho and apparent collusion with Israel, all
smacked a little 
too painfully of other episodes of British foreign
policy in the Middle 
East. There were echoes of 1956 and London's pact
during the Suez Crisis 
with Israel on the invasion of Egypt. And there were
echoes too of 1948, 
when Britain hurriedly abandoned Palestine, though not
before it had 
effectively fulfilled the Balfour Declaration's
promise of creating a 
Jewish homeland by allowing hundreds of thousands of
Jews to immigrate.

That in large part explains the outpouring of rage
from Gaza to Ramallah 
on Tuesday, as well as the kidnapping of foreigners.
Britain's duplicity 
was a reminder--if it was needed--that nothing has
changed in a century 
of Western "diplomacy".

So what was Britain's defence of its inflammatory
action? According to 
foreign minister Jack Straw, Britain had no choice but
to pull the 
monitors out of Jericho because of growing concerns
for their safety.

That will have sounded more than hollow to
Palestinians. The intifada 
has all but passed Jericho by. With a population of
about 15,000, it is 
the quietest place in the West Bank and Gaza. During
the decades of 
Israeli occupation it earnt a unflattering reputation
as the dumping 
ground for small-time collaborators, the ones Israel
did not reward with 
safe haven in its own territory.

Jericho is a small Palestinian island in a sea of
Israeli occupation. 
Most of the Jordan Valley has been entirely controlled
by Israel for 
decades. According to reports in the Hebrew media,
Israel is poised to 
announce the Valley's annexation sometime after its
elections later this 
month.

Around Jericho itself the Israeli army has dug a deep
ditch to prevent 
all unauthorised movement in and out of the city. And
beyond that is the 
busy "settlers' highway" through the occupied Jordan
Valley, linking 
Jerusalem with the north of Israel, officially known
as Gandhi's 
Road--after Rehavam Zeevi. He earned the nickname
"Gandhi" as a skinny 
youth in the army.

In fact Jericho has been so peaceful during the
intifada that six months 
ago, Israel reopened it to tourism, allowing package
tours to pass 
through the Israeli-manned checkpoint on the only
route into the city. I 
myself have visited the city on several recent
occasions, staying in its 
hotels and enjoying their open-all-year swimming
pools. What is 
apparently safe for tourists and journalists is not
safe enough for 
British officials.

The problem now is that Straw's "concerns" about
safety may become 
self-fulfilling. A backlash against foreigners is as
certain as the 
attack on Tuesday against the British Council offices
in Gaza. There are 
few tourists in the West Bank any longer, particularly
since Israel made 
entering so difficult with the construction of its
wall. But there are 
still a significant number of foreigners working for
humanitarian 
organisations.

Their presence is important. Many of the organisations
themselves have 
become little more than sticking plasters, unable to
cope with the 
festering sores of Palestinian life under an ever-more
restrictive 
occupation. But having foreigners living in Ramallah,
Nablus and Hebron 
offers an insurance policy--even if a small and
inadequate one--against 
more reckless Israeli army incursions. At the very
least, foreigners can 
bear witness.

There would be nothing worse than the West Bank--after
Israel's limited 
withdrawals and the completion of its wall--becoming a
tiny Palestinian 
ghetto-state, one where neither the international
media nor aid workers 
dare venture. There is also nothing that would satisfy
Israel more.

Jonathan Cook, a British journalist living in
Nazareth, is the author of 
"Blood and Religion: The Unmasking of the Jewish and
Democratic State", 
published by Pluto Press next month. His website is
www.jkcook.net. 

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