Here's an interesting twist I haven't seen brought up before. According to Andrew Brown, Tony Blair wasn't just told Saddam had WMDs; intelligence also told him that Saddam intended to use them. That makes Blair's judgment as dubious as his credulity, and his conduct rash & dangerous. Bush too? +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Andrew Brown, "A worm's eye view," Guardian Unlimited (16 July 2004) See Brown's weblog: <http://www.thewormbook.com/helmintholog/> Lord Butler may have let Tony Blair off the hook. But he has impaled him on a fork instead, and this time I can't see any way out. Lord Butler's fork has two prongs, which are the two possible answers to the question: "Did Tony Blair sincerely believe what the intelligence services were telling him?" The answer to this question will probably depend on whether you support the war or not. If you think the war was a mistake, you will tend to argue either that Blair didn't believe Iraq had chemical and biological weapons, or that he shouldn't have done. Conversely, supporters of the war must argue that he made a perfectly understandable and even prudent mistake. The braver supporters of this view - and there was obviously one on Lord Butler's commission - maintain, as does the prime minister, that it wasn't a mistake at all and that these weapons may have been there all along; indeed, may still be found. But the report makes it wholly clear that the raw intelligence does not back this confidence. The dossier that came to the prime minister looks, in hindsight, like thinly based guesswork which turned out to be mistaken about important matters of fact. But, it is said, no blame attaches within the intelligence service for these mistakes. They were entirely understandable: there was a great deal of necessary uncertainty about these conclusions, which the professionals would have understood, even if it was all removed from the versions of the dossier presented to the public. Most of the fire of the anti-war movement will be concentrated, I think, on the notion that the intelligence services exaggerated the evidence for Saddam's possession of these weapons. But we can't prove this, except to a moral certainty. Given a sufficiently robotic reading of the motives and character of senior civil servants and politicians, it is possible to maintain piously that the presentation of intelligence was not distorted by the political climate of the time. That's what the Hutton enquiry concluded, and that result stands. But the defence of the intelligence services has a cost for defenders of the war as a whole, which the Butler report makes plain for the first time. The accusation that Mr Blair should have distrusted what his spooks were telling him is one prong of Butler's fork. If he defends himself by saying he was right to trust them, he is impaled in the second prong - for Lord Butler's reports has enough raw quotes from the intelligence given to the prime minister to show that he was told that if the war went ahead, the chemical and biological weapons would be used. Lord Butler quotes from the Joint Intelligence Committee summary from which the notorious dossier of September 2002 was prepared: "Iraq has a chemical and biological weapons capability and Saddam is prepared to use it. Faced with the likelihood of military defeat and being removed from power, Saddam is unlikely to be deterred from using chemical and biological weapons by any diplomatic or military means." "Intelligence indicates that Saddam has identified Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Israel, Kuwait as targets. Turkey could also be at risk. ... Saddam is prepared to order missile strikes against Israel, with chemical or biological warheads, in order to widen the war once hostilities begin." In other words, if Mr Blair was right to trust the intelligence he got from the JIC, he knew, as surely as he knew that there were chemical weapons, that these would be used. He knew that an invasion of Iraq would lead to biological or chemical attacks on Israel as well as the Gulf states. He knew, when his creatures were scoffing at people like Tam Dalyell who talked of the war leading to a general conflagration in the Middle East, that his own intelligence services believed that this was the most likely outcome. He knew all that, and he still took us to war. This is not a prime minister who will get much support from Labour voters once this fact has sunk in. It can't even be argued that Saddam was such a madman that he had to be eliminated sooner or later. On the contrary, the JIC treated him as rational and capable of being deterred by threats so long has he still had something to lose: "The use of chemical and biological weapons prior to any military attack would boost support for US-led action and is unlikely." Until the publication of the Hutton report, the argument against the war was that Mr Blair had knowingly and culpably exaggerated the danger posed by Saddam. The Butler report tells us that the only alternative to this view is that he knowingly and culpably suppressed the dangers of a war. Those are the only alternatives. Lord Butler's fork has no third way. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ posted by Stephen Straker <straker@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx> Vancouver, B.C. ------------------------------------------------------------------ To change your Lit-Ideas settings (subscribe/unsub, vacation on/off, digest on/off), visit www.andreas.com/faq-lit-ideas.html