From the introduction to The Soul of Battle by Victor Davis Hanson, 1999: p. 3: "In revenge for the unprovoked but feeble attack at Pearl Harbor on their country, American farmers, college students, welders, and mechanics of a year past were now prepared - and quite able - to ignite all the islands of Japan. Their gigantic bombers often flew in faster than did the sleek Japanese fighters sent up to shoot them down. Japanese military leaders could scarcely grasp that in a matter of months colossal runways had appeared out of nowhere in the Pacific to launch horrendous novel bombers more deadly than any aircraft in history, commanded by a general as fanatical as themselves, and manned by teenagers and men in their early twenties more eager to kill even than Japan's own feared veterans. So much for the Japanese myth that decadent pampered Westerners were ill equipped for the savagery of all-out war. Even I the wildest dreams of the most ardent Japanese imperialists, there was no such plan of destroying the entire social fabric of the American nation. "When the war ended, William Hanson [the author's father] had become a seasoned central fire control gunner on a B-29, with thirty-four raids over Japan. His plane and nearly a thousand others had materialized out of nowhere on the former coral rock of the Mariana Islands, burned the major cities of Japan to the ground - and in about twelve months were gone for good. Yet for the rest of their lives these amateurs were fiercely loyal to the brutal architect of their lethal work, who announced after the inferno was over, 'I suppose if I had lost the war, I would have been tried as a war criminal.' Lemay was absolutely right - he would have. My father occasionally ridiculed LeMay's bluster and his cigar, but it was LeMay nonetheless whom he ridiculed - and LeMay whom he was proud that he had served under. "For much of my life I have wondered where such a murderous force of a season came from. And how a democracy made a willing killer out of my father and other farm boys, putting their lives into the hands of an unhinged zealot like LeMay, who ostensibly was neither emblematic of a democratic citizenry nor representative of the values that we purportedly cherish. Or was he? How can a democratic leader brag of such destruction, take pride in his force's ability to destroy thousands - in short, how can he be so utterly uncouth? How in less than a year after being assembled can a motley group of young recruits fly the most lethal bombers in history to incinerate a feared imperial militaristic culture six thousand miles from their own home? And how can that most murderous air force in the world nearly disappear into the anonymity and amnesia of democracy six months after its victory? "Those thoughts are the easy anxieties of the desk-bound class. I have come to realize that both Curtis LeMay and my father are stock types, not aberrations, of the democratic society that produced them. Democracy, and its twin of market capitalism, alone can instantaneously create lethal armies out of civilians, equip them with horrific engines of war, imbue them with a near-messianic zeal within a set time and place to exterminate what they understand as evil, have them follow to their deaths the most ruthless of men, and then melt anonymously back into the culture that produced them. It is democracies, which in the right circumstances, can be imbued with the soul of battle, and thus turn the horror of killing to a higher purpose of saving lives and freeing the enslaved. "My father knew of that soul long ago, which explains why during these last fifty years he was proud to have served under LeMay - an authentic military genius notwithstanding his extremism. Despite his horrific stories of B-29s overloaded with napalm blowing up on takeoff, of low-flying bombers shredded by flak and their crews of eleven sent spiraling into their self-generated inferno over Tokyo, of the smell of burning Japanese flesh wafting through the bomb-bay doors, of parachuting flyers beheaded on landing, he never equated that barbarity with either LeMay or himself. "On the contrary, he seemed to think the carnage below his plane and the sacrifice of his friends in the air - twelve of sixteen B-29s in his 298th Squadron, 132 of 176 men, were shot down, crashed, or never heard from again - had been necessary to win the war against a racist imperial power, and to save, not expend, both Asian and American lives. Despite his lifelong Democratic party credentials, my father spoke highly of 'Old Iron Pants' even in the midst of the general's subsequent entry into controversial right-wing politics. The bastard shortened the war against evil, my father told me. You were all lucky, he went on, once to have had angry men like LeMay and us in the air. We flew into the fire, he said, because we believed that we were saving more lives than we took. As he aged, all memories - like childhood, job, family - receded as the recollection of those nights over Tokyo grew sharper; parties, vacations, and familial holiday festivities were to become sideshows compared to annual reunions with his 313th Bomber Wing and 398th Squadron. His last hallucinatory gasps of July 1998 in death's throes were a foreign vocabulary of B-29 operations and frantic calls to crew members, most of whom were long since dead. "Democracies, I think - if the cause, if the commanding general, if the conditions of time and space take on their proper meaning -- for a season can produce the most murderous armies from the most unlikely of men, and do so in the pursuit of something spiritual rather than the mere material. This book, devoted to infantry, not airpower, tries to learn why all that is so." Comment: Victor Hanson is such a good writer, that I was tempted to let his words stand without comment, but I was struck here by the contrast between Hanson's words and the words I recently read by Rick Atkinson (An Army at Dawn, the War in North Africa, 1942-1943) and Paul Fussell (The Great War and Modern Memory). It is easy to see why someone caught up in the aftermath or in the activities of World War One could be pessimistic and defeatist. If you aren't particular logical and want to generalize and create principles from anecdotes you've encountered, there is much to be negative about in that badly fought war. Alexander Haig remains a mystery to me. If any general should have been tried for stupidity, it was Haig. And Atkinson was writing about the early stages of the war in Europe when the American Army didn't really know what it was doing, whereas Hanson's father was in the later stages of the war against the Japanese. Also, Atkinson describes constant conflict between the British, Americans and French, whereas in the Asian theater the Americans had no one second guessing them. My impression is that the Navy and Marines did much better against the Japanese than the Army did against the Axis powers. Neither the Navy nor the Marines needed the learning curve that their counterparts in Europe needed - or so it seems to me now. Unfortunately, Hanson's book isn't going to be about that. He will be concentrating upon three Generals, Epaminondas, Sherman and Patton. The three parts of his book are "Epaminondas's Descent into the Peloponnese," "Sherman's march to the Sea," and "Patton's race into Germany." Maybe he wrote the wrong introduction. Lawrence Helm San Jacinto