Mondoweiss
The dismal cartography of Trump’s pre-fascist state (and opportunities for
progressive populism)
US Politics
Richard Falk on January 26, 2017
US President Donald Trump raises a fist after his inauguration. (Photo: AFP)
Listening to Donald Trump’s inaugural speech on January 20th led me to muse
about what it might mean to live in a pre-fascist state. After reflecting on
key passages and conversations with friends, I came to the view that all the
elements were in place, although set before us with the imprecision of a
demagogue. Yet I do not doubt that there are many ideologues waiting in the
wings, perhaps now comfortably situated in the West Wing, ready to cover the
conceptual rough spots, and supply an ideological overlay, and add the
semblance of coherence. Considering the daily outrages emanating from the White
House since the inaugural jolt, the coming years will be rough riding for all
of us, with many cruelties being readied for those most vulnerable.
Of course, the Woman’s March on January 21st was temporarily redemptive, and if
such energy can be sustained potentially transformative. It is odd to
contemplate, but there just may be tacit and effective cooperation between the
national security deep state and a progressive populism converging around their
divergent reasons for being deeply opposed to the shock and awe of the Trump
presidency. Trump may invent ‘alternative facts’ to restore his narcissistic
self-esteem, but when it comes to program he has sadly so far been true to his
word! This alone should encourage a unified, energetic, and determined
opposition. If the Tea Party could do it, why can’t we?
The Pre-Fascist Moment
First, it is necessary to set forth the case for viewing Trump’s Inaugural
Address as a pre-fascist plea:
1. Locating power and legitimacy in the people, but only those whose
support was instrumental in the election of the new president; the popular
majority that were opposed are presumed irrelevant, or worse;
2. Denigrating the political class of both political parties as corrupt
and responsible for the decline of the country and the hardships inflicted on
his followers;
3. Presuming mass and unconditional trust in the great leader who promises
a rupture with the past, and who alone will be able overcome the old
established order, and produce needed changes at home and overseas;
4. Making the vision of change credible by the appointment of mainly white
men, most with alt-right credentials, billionaires either blissfully ignorant
about their assigned roles or a past record of opposition to the bureaucratic
mission they are pledged to carry out (whether environment, energy, education,
economy);
5. An endorsement of exclusionary nationalism that elevates ‘America
First’ to the status of First Principle, erects a wall against its Latino
neighbor, adopts a cruel and punitive stance toward Muslims and undocumented
immigrants, hostility to womens’ rights, gay marriage, trans dignity, as well
as posing threats to non-white minorities, inner city residents, and
independent voices in the media and elsewhere;
6. Lauds the military and police as the backbone of national character,
loosens protection from civilian or military abuse, which helps explain the
selection of a series of generals to serve in sensitive civilian roles, as well
as the revitalization of Guantanamo and the weakening of anti-torture policies.
7. The disturbing absence of a sufficiently mobilized anti-fascist
opposition movement, leadership, and program. The Democratic Party has not
seized the moment vigorously and creatively; progressive populist leadership
has yet to emerge inspiring trust and hope; so far there are sparks but no fire.
The Anti-Fascist Challenge
Fortunately, there are some more encouraging tendencies that could mount
anti-fascist challenges from within and below:
1. Trump lost the popular vote, casting a cloud over his claimed mandate
to be the vehicle of ‘the people.’ Furthermore, his approval rating keeps
falling, and is now below 40% according to reliable polls.
2. The signs of intense dissatisfaction are giving rise to protest
activities that are massive and seem deeply rooted in beliefs and commitments
of ordinary citizens, especially women and young people;
3. American society is not in crisis, and right-wing extremist appeals are
forced to rely on a greatly exaggerated and misleading portrayal of distress in
the American economy, the evils of economic globalization and unfair trade
relations that are widely understood to be largely ‘fake’;
4. There are fissures within the Republican Party and governmental/think
tank establishments, especially on international economic and security policy,
that could produce escalating tensions within and challenges to the Trump
leadership;
5. There is growing dissatisfaction within the bipartisan intelligence and
national security bureaucracies as whether Trump and Trumpism can be tamed
before it wrecks the post-1945 international order that rests on America’s
global military presence, a global network of alliances, and a disposition
toward a second cold war focused on hostility to Russia; if untamed,
impeachment scenarios will soon surface, based not on the real concerns, but
constructed around economic conflicts of interests, emoluments, and unlawful
transactions.
Certainly in my lifetime, with the possible exception of the Great Depression,
America has not been tested as it is now. Maybe not since the American Civil
War has so much been at stake, and put at risk.
Traditional reliance on political parties and elections will not be helpful
until the political climate is radically altered by forces from below and
without or above and within. It is strange, but the two main forces of
resistance to the pre-fascist reality menacing the country’s and the world’s
future are progressive populism as evident in the widespread grassroots protest
movement taking shape in the immediate aftermath of Trump’s ascension to the
presidency, and the deep state as exhibited by the anti-Trump defection of
intelligence and national security specialists from both Republican and
Democratic ranks during and after the recent presidential campaign.
Finally, the depiction of the present political reality as ‘pre-fascist’ rather
than ‘fascist’ is crucial to this effort to depict accurately the historical
moment associated with Donald Trump’s formal induction as the 45th president of
the United States. To speak as if the United States is a fascist state is to
falsify the nature of fascism, and to discredit critical discourse by making it
seem hysterical. There is no doubt that the pieces are in place that might
facilitate a horrifying transition from pre-fascism to fascism, and it could
happen with lightning speed. It is also sadly true that the election of Donald
Trump makes fascism a sword of Damocles hanging by a frayed thread over the
American body politic.
Yet we should not overlook the quite different realities that pertain to
pre-fascism. It remains possible in the United States to organize, protest, and
oppose without serious fears of reprisals or detentions. The media can expose,
ridicule, and criticize without closures or punitive actions, facing only
angered and insulting Trump tweets, although such a backlash should not be
minimized as it could have a dangerous intimidating impact on how the news is
reported. We are in a situation where the essential political challenge is to
muster the energy and creativity to construct a firewall around constitutional
democracy as it now exists in the United States, and hope that a saner, more
humane political mood leads quickly and decisively to repudiate those policies
and attitudes that flow from this pre-fascist set of circumstances.
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The dismal cartography of Trump’s pre-fascist state (and opportunities for
progressive populism)
US Politics
Richard Falk on January 26, 2017 33 Comments
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US President Donald Trump raises a fist after his inauguration. (Photo: AFP)
Listening to Donald Trump’s inaugural speech on January 20th led me to muse
about what it might mean to live in a pre-fascist state. After reflecting on
key passages and conversations with friends, I came to the view that all the
elements were in place, although set before us with the imprecision of a
demagogue. Yet I do not doubt that there are many ideologues waiting in the
wings, perhaps now comfortably situated in the West Wing, ready to cover the
conceptual rough spots, and supply an ideological overlay, and add the
semblance of coherence. Considering the daily outrages emanating from the White
House since the inaugural jolt, the coming years will be rough riding for all
of us, with many cruelties being readied for those most vulnerable.
Of course, the Woman’s March on January 21st was temporarily redemptive, and if
such energy can be sustained potentially transformative. It is odd to
contemplate, but there just may be tacit and effective cooperation between the
national security deep state and a progressive populism converging around their
divergent reasons for being deeply opposed to the shock and awe of the Trump
presidency. Trump may invent ‘alternative facts’ to restore his narcissistic
self-esteem, but when it comes to program he has sadly so far been true to his
word! This alone should encourage a unified, energetic, and determined
opposition. If the Tea Party could do it, why can’t we?
The Pre-Fascist Moment
First, it is necessary to set forth the case for viewing Trump’s Inaugural
Address as a pre-fascist plea:
1. Locating power and legitimacy in the people, but only those whose
support was instrumental in the election of the new president; the popular
majority that were opposed are presumed irrelevant, or worse;
2. Denigrating the political class of both political parties as corrupt
and responsible for the decline of the country and the hardships inflicted on
his followers;
3. Presuming mass and unconditional trust in the great leader who promises
a rupture with the past, and who alone will be able overcome the old
established order, and produce needed changes at home and overseas;
4. Making the vision of change credible by the appointment of mainly white
men, most with alt-right credentials, billionaires either blissfully ignorant
about their assigned roles or a past record of opposition to the bureaucratic
mission they are pledged to carry out (whether environment, energy, education,
economy);
5. An endorsement of exclusionary nationalism that elevates ‘America
First’ to the status of First Principle, erects a wall against its Latino
neighbor, adopts a cruel and punitive stance toward Muslims and undocumented
immigrants, hostility to womens’ rights, gay marriage, trans dignity, as well
as posing threats to non-white minorities, inner city residents, and
independent voices in the media and elsewhere;
6. Lauds the military and police as the backbone of national character,
loosens protection from civilian or military abuse, which helps explain the
selection of a series of generals to serve in sensitive civilian roles, as well
as the revitalization of Guantanamo and the weakening of anti-torture policies.
7. The disturbing absence of a sufficiently mobilized anti-fascist
opposition movement, leadership, and program. The Democratic Party has not
seized the moment vigorously and creatively; progressive populist leadership
has yet to emerge inspiring trust and hope; so far there are sparks but no fire.
The Anti-Fascist Challenge
Fortunately, there are some more encouraging tendencies that could mount
anti-fascist challenges from within and below:
1. Trump lost the popular vote, casting a cloud over his claimed mandate
to be the vehicle of ‘the people.’ Furthermore, his approval rating keeps
falling, and is now below 40% according to reliable polls.
2. The signs of intense dissatisfaction are giving rise to protest
activities that are massive and seem deeply rooted in beliefs and commitments
of ordinary citizens, especially women and young people;
3. American society is not in crisis, and right-wing extremist appeals are
forced to rely on a greatly exaggerated and misleading portrayal of distress in
the American economy, the evils of economic globalization and unfair trade
relations that are widely understood to be largely ‘fake’;
4. There are fissures within the Republican Party and governmental/think
tank establishments, especially on international economic and security policy,
that could produce escalating tensions within and challenges to the Trump
leadership;
5. There is growing dissatisfaction within the bipartisan intelligence and
national security bureaucracies as whether Trump and Trumpism can be tamed
before it wrecks the post-1945 international order that rests on America’s
global military presence, a global network of alliances, and a disposition
toward a second cold war focused on hostility to Russia; if untamed,
impeachment scenarios will soon surface, based not on the real concerns, but
constructed around economic conflicts of interests, emoluments, and unlawful
transactions.
Certainly in my lifetime, with the possible exception of the Great Depression,
America has not been tested as it is now. Maybe not since the American Civil
War has so much been at stake, and put at risk.
Traditional reliance on political parties and elections will not be helpful
until the political climate is radically altered by forces from below and
without or above and within. It is strange, but the two main forces of
resistance to the pre-fascist reality menacing the country’s and the world’s
future are progressive populism as evident in the widespread grassroots protest
movement taking shape in the immediate aftermath of Trump’s ascension to the
presidency, and the deep state as exhibited by the anti-Trump defection of
intelligence and national security specialists from both Republican and
Democratic ranks during and after the recent presidential campaign.
Finally, the depiction of the present political reality as ‘pre-fascist’ rather
than ‘fascist’ is crucial to this effort to depict accurately the historical
moment associated with Donald Trump’s formal induction as the 45th president of
the United States. To speak as if the United States is a fascist state is to
falsify the nature of fascism, and to discredit critical discourse by making it
seem hysterical. There is no doubt that the pieces are in place that might
facilitate a horrifying transition from pre-fascism to fascism, and it could
happen with lightning speed. It is also sadly true that the election of Donald
Trump makes fascism a sword of Damocles hanging by a frayed thread over the
American body politic.
Yet we should not overlook the quite different realities that pertain to
pre-fascism. It remains possible in the United States to organize, protest, and
oppose without serious fears of reprisals or detentions. The media can expose,
ridicule, and criticize without closures or punitive actions, facing only
angered and insulting Trump tweets, although such a backlash should not be
minimized as it could have a dangerous intimidating impact on how the news is
reported. We are in a situation where the essential political challenge is to
muster the energy and creativity to construct a firewall around constitutional
democracy as it now exists in the United States, and hope that a saner, more
humane political mood leads quickly and decisively to repudiate those policies
and attitudes that flow from this pre-fascist set of circumstances.
