[blind-democracy] Re: The Refugee Crisis That Isn't

  • From: "abdulah aga" <abdulahhasic@xxxxxxxxxxx>
  • To: <blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
  • Date: Sat, 5 Sep 2015 11:45:49 -0500


Hi

I thinks we have here problem,

no one problem we have few problem,

with world politician who is narcistik and fake face!!

Problem one,

when some from Islamic I mean radical Islamic say something like I don't want crischen then all world going to hant them and kill them or if he say something bed what he shouldn't about bible.

This day we hear from Slovakia, Pollen and Hungary president of government that they are want only krischen people except as refugee.

What is it?

why USA and European government didn't punish that president of government?

why no sanction for this people?

Number 2,

Friend of USA Saudi Arabia,

don't wont Syrian Refugee,

why USA don't poot presha on on friends Saudi Arabia?

and finally question for all world:

Now all world want stay way from this people and no one don't let them bee normal people,

but all world destroy them suntry.

French and how USA people like to say

grate Brittan destroy Libya,

USA and grate Brittan destroy Afghanistan and Iraq

Usay, Israel and grate Brittan do that with Syria:

but have help from French and Germany,

when they are do it,

now no one don't wont this people as refugee but

they are want take them naphtha and other resorsice from them country!:

what is this then narcictik and fake people who do that to this people.



-----Original Message----- From: Miriam Vieni
Sent: Saturday, September 05, 2015 8:58 AM
To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [blind-democracy] The Refugee Crisis That Isn't


Roth writes: "European leaders may differ about how to respond to the
asylum-seekers and migrants surging their way, but they seem to agree they
face a crisis of enormous proportions."

Syrian refugees' camp. (photo: Nikolay Doychinov/AFP/Getty)


The Refugee Crisis That Isn't
By Kenneth Roth, Reader Supported News
04 September 15

European leaders may differ about how to respond to the asylum-seekers and
migrants surging their way, but they seem to agree they face a crisis of
enormous proportions. Germany's Angela Merkel has called it "the biggest
challenge I have seen in European affairs in my time as chancellor." Italian
Foreign Minister Paolo Gentiloni has warned that the migrant crisis could
pose a major threat to the "soul" of Europe. But before we get carried away
by such apocalyptic rhetoric, we should recognize that if there is a crisis,
it is one of politics, not capacity.
There is no shortage of drama in thousands of desperate people risking life
and limb to reach Europe by crossing the Mediterranean in rickety boats or
enduring the hazards of land journeys through the Balkans. The available
numbers suggest that most of these people are refugees from deadly conflict
in Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. Eritreans -- another large group --
fled a brutally repressive government. The largest group -- the Syrians --
fled the dreadful combination of their government's indiscriminate attacks,
including by barrel bombs and suffocating sieges, and atrocities by ISIS and
other extremist groups. Only a minority of migrants arriving in Europe,
these numbers suggest, were motivated solely by economic betterment.
This "wave of people" is more like a trickle when considered against the
pool that must absorb it. The European Union's population is roughly 500
million. The latest estimate of the numbers of people using irregular means
to enter Europe this year via the Mediterranean or the Balkans is
approximately 340,000. In other words, the influx this year is only 0.068
percent of the EU's population. Considering the EU's wealth and advanced
economy, it is hard to argue that Europe lacks the means to absorb these
newcomers.
To put this in perspective, the U.S., with a population of 320 million, has
some 11 million undocumented immigrants. They make up about 3.5 percent of
the U.S. population. The EU, by contrast, had between 1.9 and 3.8 million
undocumented immigrants in 2008 (the latest available figures), or less than
one percent of its population, according to a study sponsored by the
European Commission. Put another way, nearly 13 percent of the U.S.
population (some 41 million residents) are foreign-born -- twice the
proportion of non-EU foreign-born people living in Europe.
The U.S. government is hardly exemplary in its treatment of asylum-seekers,
and the country has had its share of Donald Trumps who float wild ideas
about expelling America's 11 million undocumented immigrants, but polls show
nearly three quarters of Americans think that undocumented immigrants who
reside in the U.S. should be given a way to stay legally. Indeed, the U.S.
has arguably built its economy around these migrants doing work that most
Americans won't.
So why the European panic? As in the U.S., an influx of foreigners provides
plenty of material for demagogues. Some contend the new arrivals will steal
jobs or lower wages. With rapidly diminishing unemployment in the U.S., that
doesn't seem to have been true, but European unemployment remains stubbornly
high. Yet many European countries also face a worsening demographic problem,
with too few young workers increasingly asked to support too many
pensioners. An influx of people with the proven perseverance and wit to
escape war and repression back home and navigate the deadly hazards along
the route to Europe would seem to provide an injection of energy and drive
that Europe arguably needs.
There are concerns about terrorism. Many of the refugees are fleeing the
likes of ISIS in Syria or al-Shabab in Somalia, but no one can preclude the
possibility that terrorists have secreted themselves in the flow of
humanity. Yet terrorist groups have already shown themselves quite capable
of sending agents to Europe -- or recruiting them there -- through more
conventional means. Just as no refugee would brave crossing the
Mediterranean or negotiating the land route through the Balkans if easier
options were available, so these routes would hardly seem to be major
avenues for well-financed terrorist groups. There is no evidence that any
has used it.
The biggest concern among the hawkers of crisis seems to be fears about
culture. The U.S. has many more undocumented immigrants than the EU and has
always been a nation of immigrants. America's vitality is in large part due
to the energy and ideas that waves of immigrants have brought to its shores.
While anti-immigrant policies occasionally flare up in the U.S. -- including
Chinese exclusion in the 1880s, Japanese-American internment in the 1940s,
Haitian interdiction in the 1990s and detention of mothers and small
children fleeing harm in Central America today -- many Americans recognize
that their life is enriched by diversity.
But most European countries do not think of themselves as immigrant nations.
Many Europeans fear that an influx of foreigners will undermine their
comfortable cultures. Research suggests this concern is a major factor in
support for populist extremist parties in many EU countries. That fear is
accentuated in largely Christian Europe by the Muslim religion of most of
the new arrivals. Some governments -- Poland, Bulgaria, Slovakia -- have
expressed a strong preference for only Christian refugees.
This disquiet has been building for decades as Europe's population has
slowly changed. Predictably, the UKIP party in Britain and politicians such
as Marine Le Pen in France, Geert Wilders in the Netherlands, Matteo Salvini
of Italy, Milos Zeman in the Czech Republic are now using the refugee surge
to accentuate these fears.
This is a political challenge, requiring political leadership in response --
not a question of capacity to absorb the recent immigrants. Some politicians
have risen to the occasion. Merkel, French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius
and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, among others, have
spoken out against the demagogues and affirmed the European values that they
jeopardize. Yet there is more to be said, and more leaders who need to say
it.
Europeans leaders should publicly recall how others responded generously
during World War II, when Europeans were the ones facing persecution and
even becoming refugees. After the war, European nations embraced
international law requiring them to welcome any asylum-seekers who could
demonstrate they fled persecution. True to that principle, Germany and
Sweden have already said they would accept all Syrian refugees who arrive
within their borders and not send them back to the first EU country they
entered under the bloc's problematic "Dublin" asylum rules. Other European
nations should follow suit, and the EU should recognize a larger list of
refugee-producing countries and revise the Dublin rules, which can trap
asylum-seekers in EU countries that lack capacity to protect them and compel
asylum-seekers to pay smugglers to escape those countries.
As for those not yet in Europe, it is unconscionable to use the risk of
drowning at sea or mistreatment by a smuggler as a mechanism to deter
further asylum-seekers. Not providing safe and legal routes empowers illegal
smugglers who are making money as children drown fleeing conflict.
Asylum-seekers who arrive in Greece -- an EU member -- should be given
organized transportation to northern parts of the EU that are more capable
of processing their claims under humane conditions rather than be forced to
endure the risks of smuggling networks just to cross the Balkans.
More needs to be done to address the causes of refugee flows at the source.
European and other leaders need to exert more pressure to stop the Syrian
military's barrel bombing of civilians. Because barrel bombs are used to
target civilians throughout opposition-held territory, they render
ineffective the usual survival strategy of moving away from the front lines
and thus encourage more Syrians to flee the country altogether. These
leaders need to do more for Syria's neighbors, such as Lebanon, whose
population is now a whopping 20 percent Syrian refugees -- vastly greater
than in any European country.
Political leaders should not let the demagogues change the subject by fear
mongering about asylum-seekers and migrants. Those moving toward Europe,
though numerous, are manageable. The real question confronting Europe's
political leadership is what Europe stands for. What are the values that
will guide Europe in a world whose people are not standing still? The more
European leaders who answer this question by reaffirming European values --
such as those enshrined in the treaty protecting refugees, the safer
European culture will be, even in this period of migration and turmoil.
Error! Hyperlink reference not valid. Error! Hyperlink reference not valid.

Syrian refugees' camp. (photo: Nikolay Doychinov/AFP/Getty)
http://readersupportednews.org/http://readersupportednews.org/
The Refugee Crisis That Isn't
By Kenneth Roth, Reader Supported News
04 September 15
uropean leaders may differ about how to respond to the asylum-seekers and
migrants surging their way, but they seem to agree they face a crisis of
enormous proportions. Germany's Angela Merkel has called it "the biggest
challenge I have seen in European affairs in my time as chancellor." Italian
Foreign Minister Paolo Gentiloni has warned that the migrant crisis could
pose a major threat to the "soul" of Europe. But before we get carried away
by such apocalyptic rhetoric, we should recognize that if there is a crisis,
it is one of politics, not capacity.
There is no shortage of drama in thousands of desperate people risking life
and limb to reach Europe by crossing the Mediterranean in rickety boats or
enduring the hazards of land journeys through the Balkans. The available
numbers suggest that most of these people are refugees from deadly conflict
in Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. Eritreans -- another large group --
fled a brutally repressive government. The largest group -- the Syrians --
fled the dreadful combination of their government's indiscriminate attacks,
including by barrel bombs and suffocating sieges, and atrocities by ISIS and
other extremist groups. Only a minority of migrants arriving in Europe,
these numbers suggest, were motivated solely by economic betterment.
This "wave of people" is more like a trickle when considered against the
pool that must absorb it. The European Union's population is roughly 500
million. The latest estimate of the numbers of people using irregular means
to enter Europe this year via the Mediterranean or the Balkans is
approximately 340,000. In other words, the influx this year is only 0.068
percent of the EU's population. Considering the EU's wealth and advanced
economy, it is hard to argue that Europe lacks the means to absorb these
newcomers.
To put this in perspective, the U.S., with a population of 320 million, has
some 11 million undocumented immigrants. They make up about 3.5 percent of
the U.S. population. The EU, by contrast, had between 1.9 and 3.8 million
undocumented immigrants in 2008 (the latest available figures), or less than
one percent of its population, according to a study sponsored by the
European Commission. Put another way, nearly 13 percent of the U.S.
population (some 41 million residents) are foreign-born -- twice the
proportion of non-EU foreign-born people living in Europe.
The U.S. government is hardly exemplary in its treatment of asylum-seekers,
and the country has had its share of Donald Trumps who float wild ideas
about expelling America's 11 million undocumented immigrants, but polls show
nearly three quarters of Americans think that undocumented immigrants who
reside in the U.S. should be given a way to stay legally. Indeed, the U.S.
has arguably built its economy around these migrants doing work that most
Americans won't.
So why the European panic? As in the U.S., an influx of foreigners provides
plenty of material for demagogues. Some contend the new arrivals will steal
jobs or lower wages. With rapidly diminishing unemployment in the U.S., that
doesn't seem to have been true, but European unemployment remains stubbornly
high. Yet many European countries also face a worsening demographic problem,
with too few young workers increasingly asked to support too many
pensioners. An influx of people with the proven perseverance and wit to
escape war and repression back home and navigate the deadly hazards along
the route to Europe would seem to provide an injection of energy and drive
that Europe arguably needs.
There are concerns about terrorism. Many of the refugees are fleeing the
likes of ISIS in Syria or al-Shabab in Somalia, but no one can preclude the
possibility that terrorists have secreted themselves in the flow of
humanity. Yet terrorist groups have already shown themselves quite capable
of sending agents to Europe -- or recruiting them there -- through more
conventional means. Just as no refugee would brave crossing the
Mediterranean or negotiating the land route through the Balkans if easier
options were available, so these routes would hardly seem to be major
avenues for well-financed terrorist groups. There is no evidence that any
has used it.
The biggest concern among the hawkers of crisis seems to be fears about
culture. The U.S. has many more undocumented immigrants than the EU and has
always been a nation of immigrants. America's vitality is in large part due
to the energy and ideas that waves of immigrants have brought to its shores.
While anti-immigrant policies occasionally flare up in the U.S. -- including
Chinese exclusion in the 1880s, Japanese-American internment in the 1940s,
Haitian interdiction in the 1990s and detention of mothers and small
children fleeing harm in Central America today -- many Americans recognize
that their life is enriched by diversity.
But most European countries do not think of themselves as immigrant nations.
Many Europeans fear that an influx of foreigners will undermine their
comfortable cultures. Research suggests this concern is a major factor in
support for populist extremist parties in many EU countries. That fear is
accentuated in largely Christian Europe by the Muslim religion of most of
the new arrivals. Some governments -- Poland, Bulgaria, Slovakia -- have
expressed a strong preference for only Christian refugees.
This disquiet has been building for decades as Europe's population has
slowly changed. Predictably, the UKIP party in Britain and politicians such
as Marine Le Pen in France, Geert Wilders in the Netherlands, Matteo Salvini
of Italy, Milos Zeman in the Czech Republic are now using the refugee surge
to accentuate these fears.
This is a political challenge, requiring political leadership in response --
not a question of capacity to absorb the recent immigrants. Some politicians
have risen to the occasion. Merkel, French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius
and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, among others, have
spoken out against the demagogues and affirmed the European values that they
jeopardize. Yet there is more to be said, and more leaders who need to say
it.
Europeans leaders should publicly recall how others responded generously
during World War II, when Europeans were the ones facing persecution and
even becoming refugees. After the war, European nations embraced
international law requiring them to welcome any asylum-seekers who could
demonstrate they fled persecution. True to that principle, Germany and
Sweden have already said they would accept all Syrian refugees who arrive
within their borders and not send them back to the first EU country they
entered under the bloc's problematic "Dublin" asylum rules. Other European
nations should follow suit, and the EU should recognize a larger list of
refugee-producing countries and revise the Dublin rules, which can trap
asylum-seekers in EU countries that lack capacity to protect them and compel
asylum-seekers to pay smugglers to escape those countries.
As for those not yet in Europe, it is unconscionable to use the risk of
drowning at sea or mistreatment by a smuggler as a mechanism to deter
further asylum-seekers. Not providing safe and legal routes empowers illegal
smugglers who are making money as children drown fleeing conflict.
Asylum-seekers who arrive in Greece -- an EU member -- should be given
organized transportation to northern parts of the EU that are more capable
of processing their claims under humane conditions rather than be forced to
endure the risks of smuggling networks just to cross the Balkans.
More needs to be done to address the causes of refugee flows at the source.
European and other leaders need to exert more pressure to stop the Syrian
military's barrel bombing of civilians. Because barrel bombs are used to
target civilians throughout opposition-held territory, they render
ineffective the usual survival strategy of moving away from the front lines
and thus encourage more Syrians to flee the country altogether. These
leaders need to do more for Syria's neighbors, such as Lebanon, whose
population is now a whopping 20 percent Syrian refugees -- vastly greater
than in any European country.
Political leaders should not let the demagogues change the subject by fear
mongering about asylum-seekers and migrants. Those moving toward Europe,
though numerous, are manageable. The real question confronting Europe's
political leadership is what Europe stands for. What are the values that
will guide Europe in a world whose people are not standing still? The more
European leaders who answer this question by reaffirming European values --
such as those enshrined in the treaty protecting refugees, the safer
European culture will be, even in this period of migration and turmoil.
http://e-max.it/posizionamento-siti-web/socialize
http://e-max.it/posizionamento-siti-web/socialize



Other related posts: