Hi
I greed you are right and I like what are you doing,
you send dhows text what I like,
but this like I sed we don't want
his report what is happening,
but not provide analysis
people want analysis.
Thanks one more Miriam for understand my point
and you didn't take personal,
I mean that I don't like what you posting
-----Original Message-----
From: Miriam Vieni
Sent: Wednesday, September 09, 2015 9:18 PM
To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [blind-democracy] Re: Refugee Crisis: Where Are All These People
Coming From and Why?
You are correct. He tends to report what is happening, but not to provide
analysis. This is particularly obvious in this piece. However, his
reporting of what is happening, tends to be accurate, more so than what you
hear on TV or read in most papers.
Miriam
-----Original Message-----
From: blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
[mailto:blind-democracy-bounce@xxxxxxxxxxxxx] On Behalf Of abdulah aga
Sent: Wednesday, September 09, 2015 9:14 PM
To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [blind-democracy] Re: Refugee Crisis: Where Are All These People
Coming From and Why?
Hi Miriam and other
He didn't tells nothing with his text,
he jus sad history about refugees:
like when they are start to go in other country and how is whole society has
been destroyed,
but he didn't tells why them country has been destroy,
what is cos and why or what for this country been destroy.
He blame all regime and them government and Islamic radical people,
but first he didn't tell why they are radical, who make them been that way?
he didn't tell us who give to them veppen?
so on so on.
For mee this story from Patrick Cockburn is jus bla bla,
wee heard this thinks many time.
-----Original Message-----
From: Miriam Vieni
Sent: Wednesday, September 09, 2015 4:03 PM
To: blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: [blind-democracy] Refugee Crisis: Where Are All These People Coming
From and Why?
Cockburn writes: "Refugees have been seeking safe haven in the West for
years. Recently, however, something has changed. Thousands have become
millions, as nation after nation succumbs to anarchy and fanaticism."
Syrian refugees' camp. (photo: Nikolay Doychinov/AFP/Getty)
Refugee Crisis: Where Are All These People Coming From and Why?
By Patrick Cockburn, The Independent
08 September 15
It is an era of violence in the Middle East and North Africa, with nine
civil wars now going on in Islamic countries between Pakistan and Nigeria.
This is why there are so many refugees fleeing for their lives. Half of the
23 million population of Syria have been forced from their homes, with four
million becoming refugees in other countries.
Some 2.6 million Iraqis have been displaced by Islamic State - Isis -
offensives in the last year and squat in tents or half-finished buildings.
Unnoticed by the outside world, some 1.5 million people have been displaced
in South Sudan since fighting there resumed at the end of 2013.
Other parts of the world, notably south-east Asia, have become more peaceful
over the last 50 years or so, but in the vast swathe of territory between
the Hindu Kush mountains and the western side of the Sahara, religious,
ethnic and separatist conflicts are tearing countries apart. Everywhere
states are collapsing, weakening or are under attack; and, in many of these
places, extreme Sunni Islamist insurgencies are on the rise which use terror
against civilians in order to provoke mass flight.
Another feature of these wars is that none of them show any sign of ending,
so people cannot go back to their homes. Most Syrian refugees who fled to
Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan in 2011 and 2012, believed the war in Syria would
soon be over and they could return. It is only in the last couple of years
that they have realised that this is not going to happen and they must seek
permanent sanctuary elsewhere. The very length of these wars means immense
and irreversible destruction of all means of making a living, so refugees,
who at first just sought safety, are also driven by economic necessity.
Such wars are currently being waged in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, south-east
Turkey,Yemen, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and north-east Nigeria. A few of them
began a long time ago, an example being Somalia, where the state collapsed
in 1991 and has never been rebuilt, with warlords, extreme jihadis, rival
parties and foreign soldiers controlling different parts of the country. But
most of these wars started after 2001 and many after 2011. All-out civil war
in Yemen only got under way last year, while the Turkish-Kurdish civil war,
which has killed 40,000 people since 1984, resumed this July with airstrikes
and guerrilla raids. It is escalating rapidly: a truckload of Turkish
soldiers were blown up at the weekend by Kurdish PKK guerrillas.
When Somalia fell apart, a process which a disastrous US military
intervention failed to reverse in 1992-94, it seemed to be a marginal event,
insignificant for the rest of the world. The country became a "failed
state", a phrase used in pitying or dismissive terms as it became the realm
of pirates, kidnappers and al-Qa'ida bombers. But the rest of the world
should regard such failed states with fear as well as contempt, because it
is such places - Afghanistan in the 1990s and Iraq since 2003 - that have
incubated movements like the Taliban, al-Qa'ida and Isis. All three combine
fanatical religious belief with military expertise. Somalia once seemed to
be an exceptional case but "Somalianisation" has turned out to be the fate
of a whole series of countries, notably Libya, Iraq and Syria, where until
recently people had enough food, education and healthcare.
All wars are dangerous, and civil wars have always been notoriously
merciless, with religious wars the worst of all. These are what are now
happening in the Middle East and North Africa, with Isis - and al-Qa'ida
clones such as Jabhat al-Nusra or Ahrar al-Sham in Syria - ritually
murdering their opponents and justifying their actions by pointing to the
indiscriminate bombardment of civilian areas by the Assad government.
What is a little different in these wars is that Isis deliberately
publicises its atrocities against Shia, Yazidis or anybody else it deems its
enemies. This means that people caught up in these conflicts, particularly
since the declaration of Islamic State in June last year, suffer an extra
charge of fear which makes it more likely that they will flee and not come
back. This is as true for professors in Mosul University in Iraq as it is
for villagers in Nigeria, Cameroon or Mali. Unsurprisingly, Isis's advances
in Iraq have produced great waves of refugees who have all too good an idea
of what will happen to them if they do not run away.
In Iraq and Syria, we are back to a period of drastic demographic change not
seen in the region since the Palestinians were expelled or forced to flee by
the Israelis in 1948, or when the Christians were exterminated or driven out
of what is now modern Turkey in the decade after 1914. Multi-confessional
societies in Iraq and Syria are splitting apart with horrendous
consequences. Foreign powers either did not know or did not care what
sectarian demons they were releasing in these countries by disrupting the
old status quo.
The former Iraqi National Security Advisor, Mowaffaq al-Rubaie, used to tell
American political leaders, who glibly suggested that Iraq's communal
problems could be solved by dividing up the country between Sunni, Shia and
Kurds, that they should understand what a bloody process this would be,
inevitably bringing about massacres and mass flight "similar to the
Partition of India in 1947".
Why are so many of these states falling apart now and generating great
floods of refugees? What internal flaws or unsustainable outside pressures
do they have in common? Most of them achieved self-determination when
imperial powers withdrew after the Second World War. By the late 1960s and
early 1970s, they were ruled by military leaders who ran police states and
justified their monopolies of power and wealth by claiming that they were
necessary to establish public order, modernise their countries, gain control
of natural resources and withstand fissiparous sectarian and ethnic
pressures.
These were generally nationalist and often socialist regimes whose outlook
was overwhelmingly secular. Because these justifications for
authoritarianism were usually hypocritical, self-interested and masked
pervasive corruption by the ruling elite, it was often forgotten that
countries like Iraq, Syria and Libya had powerful central governments for a
reason - and would disintegrate without them.
It is these regimes that have been weakening and are collapsing across the
Middle East and North Africa. Nationalism and socialism no longer provide
the ideological glue to hold together secular states or to motivate people
to fight for them to the last bullet, as believers do for the fanatical and
violent brand of Sunni Islam espoused by Isis, Jabhat al-Nusra and Ahrar
al-Sham. Iraqi officials admit that one of the reasons the Iraqi army
disintegrated in 20014 and has never been successfully reconstituted is that
"very few Iraqis are prepared to die for Iraq."
Sectarian groups like Isis deliberately carry out atrocities against Shia
and others in the knowledge that it will provoke retaliation against the
Sunni that will leave them with no alternative but to look to Isis as their
defenders. Fostering communal hatred works in Isis's favour, and it is
cross-infecting countries such as Yemen, where previously there was little
consciousness of the sectarian divide, though one third of its 25 million
population belong to the Shia Zaydi sect.
The likelihood of mass flight becomes even greater. Earlier this year, when
there were rumours of an Iraqi Army and Shia militia assault aimed at
recapturing the overwhelming Sunni city of Mosul this spring, the World
Health Organisation and the UN High Commission for Refugees began
pre-positioning food to feed another one million people who they expected to
flee.
Europeans were jolted by pictures of the little drowned body of Alyan Kurdi
lying on a beach in Turkey and half-starved Syrians crammed into Hungarian
trains. But in the Middle East the new wretched diaspora of the powerless
and the dispossessed has been evident for the last three or four years. In
May, I was about to cross the Tigris River between Syria and Iraq in a boat
with a Kurdish woman and her family when she and her children were ordered
off because one letter spelling a name on her permit was incorrect.
"But I've been waiting three days with my family on the river bank!" she
screamed in despair. I was heading for Erbil, the Kurdish capital, which
aspired until a year ago to be "the new Dubai" but is now full of refugees
huddling in half-completed hotels, malls and luxury blocks.
What is to be done to stop these horrors? Perhaps the first question is how
we can prevent them from getting worse, keeping in mind that five out of the
nine wars have begun since 2011. There is a danger that by attributing mass
flight to too many diverse causes, including climate change, political
leaders responsible for these disasters get off the hook and are free of
public pressure to act effectively to bring them to an end.
The present refugee crisis in Europe is very much the conflict in Syria
having a real impact on the continent for the first time. True, the security
vacuum in Libya has meant that the country is now the conduit for people
from impoverished and war-torn countries on the edges of the Sahara. It is
from Libya's 1,100-mile coastline that 114,000 refugees have made their way
to Italy so far this year, not counting the several thousands who drowned on
the way. Yet, bad though this is, the situation is not much different from
last year, when 112,000 made their way to Italy by this route.
Very different is the war in Syria and Iraq which has seen the number of
people trying to reach Greece by sea jump from 45,000 to 239,000 over the
same period. For three decades Afghanistan has produced the greatest number
of refugees, according to the UNHCR; but in the past year Syria has taken
its place, and one new refugee in four worldwide is now a Syrian. A whole
society has been destroyed, and the outside world has done very little to
stop this happening. Despite a recent flurry of diplomatic activity, none of
the many players in the Syrian crisis shows urgency in trying to end it.
Syria and Iraq are at the heart of the present crisis over refugees in
another way, because it is there that Isis and al-Qa'ida-type groups control
substantial territory and are able to spread their sectarian poison to the
rest of the Islamic world. They energise gangs of killers who operate in
much the same way whether they are in Nigeria, Pakistan, Yemen or Syria.
The mass flight of people will go on as long as the war in Syria and Iraq
continues.
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Syrian refugees' camp. (photo: Nikolay Doychinov/AFP/Getty)
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/refugee-crisis-where-are-all-these-p
eople-coming-from-and-why-10490425.htmlhttp://www.independent.co.uk/news/wor
ld/refugee-crisis-where-are-all-these-people-coming-from-and-why-10490425.ht
ml
Refugee Crisis: Where Are All These People Coming From and Why?
By Patrick Cockburn, The Independent
08 September 15
t is an era of violence in the Middle East and North Africa, with nine civil
wars now going on in Islamic countries between Pakistan and Nigeria.
This is why there are so many refugees fleeing for their lives. Half of the
23 million population of Syria have been forced from their homes, with four
million becoming refugees in other countries.
Some 2.6 million Iraqis have been displaced by Islamic State - Isis -
offensives in the last year and squat in tents or half-finished buildings.
Unnoticed by the outside world, some 1.5 million people have been displaced
in South Sudan since fighting there resumed at the end of 2013.
Other parts of the world, notably south-east Asia, have become more peaceful
over the last 50 years or so, but in the vast swathe of territory between
the Hindu Kush mountains and the western side of the Sahara, religious,
ethnic and separatist conflicts are tearing countries apart. Everywhere
states are collapsing, weakening or are under attack; and, in many of these
places, extreme Sunni Islamist insurgencies are on the rise which use terror
against civilians in order to provoke mass flight.
Another feature of these wars is that none of them show any sign of ending,
so people cannot go back to their homes. Most Syrian refugees who fled to
Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan in 2011 and 2012, believed the war in Syria would
soon be over and they could return. It is only in the last couple of years
that they have realised that this is not going to happen and they must seek
permanent sanctuary elsewhere. The very length of these wars means immense
and irreversible destruction of all means of making a living, so refugees,
who at first just sought safety, are also driven by economic necessity.
Such wars are currently being waged in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, south-east
Turkey,Yemen, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and north-east Nigeria. A few of them
began a long time ago, an example being Somalia, where the state collapsed
in 1991 and has never been rebuilt, with warlords, extreme jihadis, rival
parties and foreign soldiers controlling different parts of the country. But
most of these wars started after 2001 and many after 2011. All-out civil war
in Yemen only got under way last year, while the Turkish-Kurdish civil war,
which has killed 40,000 people since 1984, resumed this July with airstrikes
and guerrilla raids. It is escalating rapidly: a truckload of Turkish
soldiers were blown up at the weekend by Kurdish PKK guerrillas.
When Somalia fell apart, a process which a disastrous US military
intervention failed to reverse in 1992-94, it seemed to be a marginal event,
insignificant for the rest of the world. The country became a "failed
state", a phrase used in pitying or dismissive terms as it became the realm
of pirates, kidnappers and al-Qa'ida bombers. But the rest of the world
should regard such failed states with fear as well as contempt, because it
is such places - Afghanistan in the 1990s and Iraq since 2003 - that have
incubated movements like the Taliban, al-Qa'ida and Isis. All three combine
fanatical religious belief with military expertise. Somalia once seemed to
be an exceptional case but "Somalianisation" has turned out to be the fate
of a whole series of countries, notably Libya, Iraq and Syria, where until
recently people had enough food, education and healthcare.
All wars are dangerous, and civil wars have always been notoriously
merciless, with religious wars the worst of all. These are what are now
happening in the Middle East and North Africa, with Isis - and al-Qa'ida
clones such as Jabhat al-Nusra or Ahrar al-Sham in Syria - ritually
murdering their opponents and justifying their actions by pointing to the
indiscriminate bombardment of civilian areas by the Assad government.
What is a little different in these wars is that Isis deliberately
publicises its atrocities against Shia, Yazidis or anybody else it deems its
enemies. This means that people caught up in these conflicts, particularly
since the declaration of Islamic State in June last year, suffer an extra
charge of fear which makes it more likely that they will flee and not come
back. This is as true for professors in Mosul University in Iraq as it is
for villagers in Nigeria, Cameroon or Mali. Unsurprisingly, Isis's advances
in Iraq have produced great waves of refugees who have all too good an idea
of what will happen to them if they do not run away.
In Iraq and Syria, we are back to a period of drastic demographic change not
seen in the region since the Palestinians were expelled or forced to flee by
the Israelis in 1948, or when the Christians were exterminated or driven out
of what is now modern Turkey in the decade after 1914. Multi-confessional
societies in Iraq and Syria are splitting apart with horrendous
consequences. Foreign powers either did not know or did not care what
sectarian demons they were releasing in these countries by disrupting the
old status quo.
The former Iraqi National Security Advisor, Mowaffaq al-Rubaie, used to tell
American political leaders, who glibly suggested that Iraq's communal
problems could be solved by dividing up the country between Sunni, Shia and
Kurds, that they should understand what a bloody process this would be,
inevitably bringing about massacres and mass flight "similar to the
Partition of India in 1947".
Why are so many of these states falling apart now and generating great
floods of refugees? What internal flaws or unsustainable outside pressures
do they have in common? Most of them achieved self-determination when
imperial powers withdrew after the Second World War. By the late 1960s and
early 1970s, they were ruled by military leaders who ran police states and
justified their monopolies of power and wealth by claiming that they were
necessary to establish public order, modernise their countries, gain control
of natural resources and withstand fissiparous sectarian and ethnic
pressures.
These were generally nationalist and often socialist regimes whose outlook
was overwhelmingly secular. Because these justifications for
authoritarianism were usually hypocritical, self-interested and masked
pervasive corruption by the ruling elite, it was often forgotten that
countries like Iraq, Syria and Libya had powerful central governments for a
reason - and would disintegrate without them.
It is these regimes that have been weakening and are collapsing across the
Middle East and North Africa. Nationalism and socialism no longer provide
the ideological glue to hold together secular states or to motivate people
to fight for them to the last bullet, as believers do for the fanatical and
violent brand of Sunni Islam espoused by Isis, Jabhat al-Nusra and Ahrar
al-Sham. Iraqi officials admit that one of the reasons the Iraqi army
disintegrated in 20014 and has never been successfully reconstituted is that
"very few Iraqis are prepared to die for Iraq."
Sectarian groups like Isis deliberately carry out atrocities against Shia
and others in the knowledge that it will provoke retaliation against the
Sunni that will leave them with no alternative but to look to Isis as their
defenders. Fostering communal hatred works in Isis's favour, and it is
cross-infecting countries such as Yemen, where previously there was little
consciousness of the sectarian divide, though one third of its 25 million
population belong to the Shia Zaydi sect.
The likelihood of mass flight becomes even greater. Earlier this year, when
there were rumours of an Iraqi Army and Shia militia assault aimed at
recapturing the overwhelming Sunni city of Mosul this spring, the World
Health Organisation and the UN High Commission for Refugees began
pre-positioning food to feed another one million people who they expected to
flee.
Europeans were jolted by pictures of the little drowned body of Alyan Kurdi
lying on a beach in Turkey and half-starved Syrians crammed into Hungarian
trains. But in the Middle East the new wretched diaspora of the powerless
and the dispossessed has been evident for the last three or four years. In
May, I was about to cross the Tigris River between Syria and Iraq in a boat
with a Kurdish woman and her family when she and her children were ordered
off because one letter spelling a name on her permit was incorrect.
"But I've been waiting three days with my family on the river bank!" she
screamed in despair. I was heading for Erbil, the Kurdish capital, which
aspired until a year ago to be "the new Dubai" but is now full of refugees
huddling in half-completed hotels, malls and luxury blocks.
What is to be done to stop these horrors? Perhaps the first question is how
we can prevent them from getting worse, keeping in mind that five out of the
nine wars have begun since 2011. There is a danger that by attributing mass
flight to too many diverse causes, including climate change, political
leaders responsible for these disasters get off the hook and are free of
public pressure to act effectively to bring them to an end.
The present refugee crisis in Europe is very much the conflict in Syria
having a real impact on the continent for the first time. True, the security
vacuum in Libya has meant that the country is now the conduit for people
from impoverished and war-torn countries on the edges of the Sahara. It is
from Libya's 1,100-mile coastline that 114,000 refugees have made their way
to Italy so far this year, not counting the several thousands who drowned on
the way. Yet, bad though this is, the situation is not much different from
last year, when 112,000 made their way to Italy by this route.
Very different is the war in Syria and Iraq which has seen the number of
people trying to reach Greece by sea jump from 45,000 to 239,000 over the
same period. For three decades Afghanistan has produced the greatest number
of refugees, according to the UNHCR; but in the past year Syria has taken
its place, and one new refugee in four worldwide is now a Syrian. A whole
society has been destroyed, and the outside world has done very little to
stop this happening. Despite a recent flurry of diplomatic activity, none of
the many players in the Syrian crisis shows urgency in trying to end it.
Syria and Iraq are at the heart of the present crisis over refugees in
another way, because it is there that Isis and al-Qa'ida-type groups control
substantial territory and are able to spread their sectarian poison to the
rest of the Islamic world. They energise gangs of killers who operate in
much the same way whether they are in Nigeria, Pakistan, Yemen or Syria.
The mass flight of people will go on as long as the war in Syria and Iraq
continues.
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