[blind-democracy] FW: Why Black Lives Matter in These Milwaukee Schools
- From: "Miriam Vieni" <miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- To: <blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Fri, 18 Sep 2020 21:43:54 -0400
From: Jeff Bryant <info@ind.media>
Sent: Friday, September 18, 2020 5:49 PM
To: miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: Why Black Lives Matter in These Milwaukee Schools
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Why Black Lives Matter in These Milwaukee Schools
In a community of color failed by 30 years of school choice, teachers are
pushing a positive education alternative.
By Jeff Bryant
“It’s something students are definitely going to want to talk about when they
come back to school,” Samantha Garrett told me while schools were closed for
the summer in Milwaukee, and the community was grappling
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with the uncertainty of how the district would reopen amidst the COVID-19
pandemic.
But the “it” Garrett referred to in this case was not the disease. It was the
other big story that continued to dominate news throughout the summer—the wave
after wave of protests for Black lives that have drawn an estimated 15-26
million Americans
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out into streets across the country.
“Thousands of high school students have participated in demonstrations against
police killings of unarmed Black people,” Education Week reports
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. “Some students are demanding that their school districts adopt anti-racist
curricula.” Consequently, educators, from policymakers
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to practitioners
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, are scrambling to reinvent curricula and instruction to be more culturally
relevant to nonwhite students.
As in other big cities, Milwaukee has been the site of ongoing protests
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. Only 11 percent of the students
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in Milwaukee Public Schools (MPS) are white—54 percent are Black, and 27
percent are Hispanic. MPS, Wisconsin’s largest school system with about 75,000
students, has the highest concentration
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of households living in poverty and some of the most visible economic
inequity
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and racial segregation
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.
Garrett, as lead coordinator of the community school program at James Madison
Academic Campus high school, or JMAC, as it is called by students and staff,
has been a point person, along with the principal, in transitioning her school
to remote learning during the crisis and now in preparing to start a new school
year that begins
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with online learning and is then expected to transition to in-person
instruction.
But as the growing contagion thrust her colleagues into emergency schooling,
Garrett was aware her students were being swept up into what was going on in
the city streets.
JMAC is 91 percent
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Black, and Garrett knew JMAC students were going to Black Lives Matter
protests. A student who served on the school’s Youth Council messaged her from
a protest and said the issues driving people into the streets were something he
and his fellow students would want to talk about in ethnic studies classes when
schools resume instruction. Garrett expects students will “want a space where
they can talk about the whitewashing of their curriculum,” whether those
conversations happen virtually or in the school building.
Garrett is not alone in expecting Milwaukee students to bring their Black Lives
Matter activism into the classroom to question not only the disproportionate
harm done to Black people by police but also the problems of systemic racism
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in their own schooling.
“We have to talk about these issues, especially with younger kids who have a
lot of unanswered questions,” Glenn Carson told me. Carson is both the
community school coordinator at Hopkins Lloyd Community School and the lead K-8
community school coordinator at United Way of Greater Milwaukee and Waukesha
County. He fears that during the protests young students might have become
confused by the many differing opinions they heard from parents, friends, and
media sources about the legacy of slavery and the history of racial injustice
in America.
“Teachers can’t prepare for all the many questions students are going to have,”
he said, “but they can be prepared to answer with the facts.”
Major news outlets have reported
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how Black Lives Matter protests in many cities have caused school districts
to reexamine police presence in their schools. Many big city districts
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, including Milwaukee
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, have canceled or pulled back contracts with local police, and some are
considering
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moving money from school police officers to fund more counselors.
But experienced educators expect the effects of the Black Lives Matter movement
in schools to go way beyond police contracts.
“When we’re talking about funding counselors, not cops, that’s a segue into
talking about changing priorities in schools,” Jesse Hagopian told me.
Hagopian, a teacher at Garfield High School in Seattle, Washington, book
editor, and editor for the social justice periodical Rethinking Schools
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, believes schools facing the challenges of COVID-19 should not overlook the
challenges of teaching during one of the largest protest movements
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in the nation’s history.
“I’ve never seen a movement of this scale and intensity with this many young
people coming together and demanding change,” said Hagopian. “We’ve already
seen progress from the youth-led movement to remove police officers from
schools. I sense we have reached a tipping point with so many young people
refusing to live in a racist society.”
If Hagopian’s speculation is correct, and he’s hardly
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alone
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, more schools should anticipate how they will address an anti-racist agenda
in their curricula and instruction.
Garrett, Carson, and other Milwaukee educators think their schools already have
a head start in preparing for the changing priorities in schools because they
follow a school model that is generally referred to as community schools
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.
The approach takes a more holistic view of education, including addressing the
factors outside of schools that affect learning, including many of the very
same factors that the movement for Black lives is animating in the streets.
It’s a radical departure for a city that has been called
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“the birthplace of school choice.”
A Positive Alternative to School Choice
Milwaukee has been the nation’s longest-running experiment
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with school choice, starting 30 years ago when Milwaukee became the first
city in the nation to introduce school vouchers that allow parents to transfer
their children to private schools at taxpayer expense.
Since then, the choice agenda has been greatly expanded. Now, Milwaukee
families can choose to enroll their children in public schools operated by the
district; in charter schools, managed either by the district or by a private
organization; in private schools, religious or nonreligious; in virtual
schools, operated either by the district or by a for-profit company; or in
suburban schools outside the district—all with taxpayer dollars following the
students.
According to a 2020 analysis
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by Urban Milwaukee, 54 percent of Milwaukee students attend traditional
public schools, 32 percent use vouchers to attend private schools, and 14
percent are enrolled in charter schools, most of which are operated by private
management.
All this choice was instituted for the sake of raising the educational
attainment
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of Black and Latinx students. While certainly some families may have
benefitted from the city’s complicated approach to school choice, the community
as a whole has not improved its academic outcomes.
After nearly 30 years of choice, Milwaukee students are consistently behind
their peers
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in other urban communities and aren’t catching up, according to results on
the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), considered the gold
standard in assessments. According to the most recent biennial NAEP
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, among the 27 nationwide urban districts included in the exams,
fourth-graders in Milwaukee had the second-lowest scores in the nation for math
and reading, behind Detroit. Milwaukee eighth-graders also bested only Detroit
in math and scored above only Detroit and Cleveland in reading.
Further, the primacy of choice has resulted in creating a chronically
disruptive system in which schools open and close at high rates and students
churn in and out of schools that often do nothing to advance their education.
A study of Milwaukee’s school voucher program published in 2016 found
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that “41 percent of all private voucher schools operating in Milwaukee
between 1991 and 2015 failed.”
Charter school failure rates have also been high. According to a 2020 analysis
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by the Network for Public Education, of the 119 charter “schools in the
greater Milwaukee area that opened between 1998 and 2015, 72 (60 percent)
failed by 2017.” Most of the failures—“57 percent (41 of 72)”—occurred in
high-poverty areas (“census tracts with poverty rates that exceeded 30
percent”).
A 2018 analysis of the high rates of student transfers in the district
conducted by the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel found
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that “Milwaukee has one of the most open education landscapes among the
nation’s largest cities, one built on the idea that parents—especially
low-income parents—should be able to choose the best school for their child.”
The analysis concluded, “The sheer volume of churn may be undermining the goal
of enhanced school choice: higher academic performance.”
The suggestion by Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reporter Erin Richards that the
high rate of student churn in Milwaukee schools “may” harm academic achievement
is an understatement. Studies have found
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that high rates of student churn in schools hurt not only the students who
come and go, “but also those who remain enrolled,” according to a review of the
research in Education Week.
Instead of a system of choice and churn, for many years educators, teachers’
unions, and community organizers have proposed
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that community schools are a positive alternative that would prioritize
stability and the real needs of students.
“Community schools offer an alternative that changes priorities in schools by
including wraparound services for students, culturally responsive teaching, and
bringing in the voices of people who are representative of the community,”
Hagopian told me.
‘Exemplars in Responding to the Pandemic’
The push for community schools in Milwaukee goes back to 2013, according to Bob
Peterson, when the state, compelled by the federal No Child Left Behind (NCLB)
law, was looking at options to address the 5,000 lowest-performing schools in
the state, most of which were located in Milwaukee, that were threatened with
being closed down if they did not improve.
Peterson, who was elected to the MPS school board as member-at-large in 2019,
started working in Milwaukee Public Schools as a paraprofessional in 1977. He
became a teacher in 1980, taught fifth grade for 30 years, and served as
president of the Milwaukee Teachers’ Education Association from 2011 to 2015.
In 2013, the school board was more conservative than it is today, Peterson
explained, but there was so little success with the agenda imposed by NCLB,
which was enacted in 2002, that board members agreed there was a need for
trying a different approach. With the support of the local teachers’ union and
local United Way, the board was persuaded to turn some of the Milwaukee schools
that faced closure into community schools.
Also, Peterson said, the board learned the effort would hardly break the
bank—only $100,000 per school, mostly to pay for startup expenses and the
community school coordinator, who would remain an employee of United Way.
In 2020, there are 12 community schools
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in the Milwaukee district, including JMAC and Hopkins Lloyd.
“Our 12 community schools were the exemplars in responding to the pandemic,”
according to Peterson, because they were already organized with onsite
coordinators, counselors, nurses, and social workers, and they already had
formed existing partnerships with other care agencies in the community to bring
their collective resources to serve the needs of families in crisis.
Because community schools so often feature the onsite coordination of health,
social, and other wraparound services, the model will likely be an easier sell
during a pandemic. But other principles that are foundational to community
schools make the model perhaps even more responsive to the Black Lives Matter
protest movement.
“People always want to start the conversation about community schools with the
wraparound services,” Ingrid Walker-Henry told me. Walker-Henry is an organizer
for the Milwaukee Teachers’ Education Association and is on temporary release
to work for the union after teaching in Milwaukee since 2000. “Those things are
huge,” she said, but what matters more are the model’s reliance on shared
leadership, equity, and culturally relevant practice.
“Those tenets force us to ask, ‘What does equity look like? How do we address
the opportunity gaps in society?’” she said.
JMAC, for instance, didn’t always have a Youth Council or an ethnic studies
program, much less any kind of protocol allowing Black students to influence
curricula. But it was the school’s fidelity to the community schools model that
brought those things about.
“It’s hard to imagine a movement toward community schools without the pedagogy
of culturally relevant teaching,” Hagopian maintains.
“Our school’s Youth Council came about through our commitment to shared
leadership,” Garrett told me. “Its purpose is to give input on how best to
serve students and in turn communicate important information from the school to
the community. Also, members of the Youth Council help lead community
conversations in the classroom.”
‘An Approach to Education That Gives Them a Purpose’
One of the priorities that rose to prominence due to the influence of youth
councils was for the schools to create ethnic studies courses. Council members,
according to Garrett, felt their curricula had been whitewashed, and they
wanted a more robust recognition of Black history and Black narratives beyond
slavery.
As the community schools coordinator, Garrett took it upon herself to make
space for students to raise their demands publicly and organize with other
students. Eventually, the students formed alliances with students from other
Milwaukee high schools and took their demand for ethnic studies to the school
board to obtain funding.
“I wanted them to learn that their age and gender don’t determine if they can
have an opinion or not,” she told me. “I wanted them to understand that yes,
you can and should certainly protest, but I wanted them to learn how the system
worked and that eventually you need to sit with others at the same table and
talk to them about what you want and why it matters.”
After their presentation, the board approved funding for community schools at
JMAC and the Obama School of Career and Technical Education, which does not
follow the community schools model. And in June 2020, despite the challenges
posed by the pandemic, the district pledged
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to provide funding for up to 12 ethnic study positions in the next school
year.
Expanding on their activism, the students also organized funding and facilities
to invite Hagopian to Milwaukee for a day-long event
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in 2019, in which he taught a history lesson about the Black Panthers
movement to students and talked with teachers and community members about the
four tenets of Black Lives Matter at School
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movement.
“When kids see they are represented in the curriculum, they can start to
realize that they can be part of a solution to transforming society,” Hagopian
said in our phone conversation. “Culturally relevant curricula empowers
students to be actors and not just victims. It’s an approach to education that
gives them a purpose.”
‘A Transformational Model’
Some may question why a school district that is either last or next to last on
measures of the National Assessment of Educational Progress is addressing
culturally relevant teaching and attention to the whole child when academics
are suffering.
But Milwaukee educators bristle at that question.
“We can’t focus on basic academics when kids come to school hungry or they
slept in a car the night before” because they’re homeless, Carson told me.
Refuting the idea that a focus on the whole child distracts from academics, he
pointed to the steady progress Hopkins Lloyd has made on the state’s school
rating system
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over the last three years, moving from a rating of “Fails to Meet
Expectations,” with a score of 52.1 in 2016-2017, to a rating of “Meets Few
Expectations,” with a score of 61 in 2018-2019, just two points shy of the
“Meets Expectations” level.
“These results aren’t just about having more resources and additional staff,”
he argued. “It’s also about having the mindset to address other issues [outside
of school that affect student learning].”
“The community schools model has opened my eyes to education as a
transformational model,” Carson told me, “in my case, moving from a school
that’s struggling to one that’s doing better. The model is an alternative to
closing schools, and instead rehabilitating struggling schools.”
Nevertheless, Milwaukee schools continue to be raised by school choice
advocates as a success story for their cause, while they ignore public school
innovations like community schools.
When U.S. Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos visited Milwaukee in 2019, she
called
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it the “birthplace of education freedom,” and restated her support for a
federally funded voucher program that “would provide $5 billion in federal tax
credits for donors who contribute to state-designated” voucher programs.
But advocates for community schools push back hard on the idea that more choice
will address the needs of low-income communities of color like Milwaukee.
“Community schools have laid bare the lies of corporate education reformers who
advocate for school choice,” Hagopian said. “They haven’t said a word about
anti-racist pedagogy, and they never talk about making sure that every school
has a nurse and a counselor because it doesn’t speak to their own
self-interests.”
No doubt, Hagopian and Milwaukee educators I spoke with see the energy behind
the Black Lives Matter movement not as a threat but as an opportunity to reject
failed policies and embrace transformational ideas like community schools.
“We are in the midst of a social movement unlike anything we’ve seen since the
1960s,” Hagopian said, “and once again education is at the heart of the
struggle.”
Jeff Bryant is a writing fellow and chief correspondent for Our Schools
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, a project of the Independent Media Institute. He is a communications
consultant, freelance writer, advocacy journalist, and director of the
Education Opportunity Network, a strategy and messaging center for progressive
education policy. His award-winning commentary and reporting routinely appear
in prominent online news outlets, and he speaks frequently at national events
about public education policy. Follow him on Twitter @jeffbcdm
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