[blind-democracy] FW: Joe Costello on democratic politics and the Civil Rights Movement
- From: "Miriam Vieni" <miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- To: <blind-democracy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Sat, 11 Jul 2020 13:16:58 -0400
From: Yasha Levine <yasha@xxxxxxxxxxxx>
Sent: Friday, July 10, 2020 10:45 PM
To: miriamvieni@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: Joe Costello on democratic politics and the Civil Rights Movement
"The long hard work of democratic organizing was never covered by
television. With television triumphant, democracy declined and diminished."
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G9fjf8AwAIhDo> Immigrants as a Weapon depends on your support. Subscribe for
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_____
Joe Costello on democratic politics and the Civil Rights Movement
"The long hard work of democratic organizing was never covered by
television. With television triumphant, democracy declined and diminished."
<https://email.mg2.substack.com/c/eJxVUMuOwyAM_JpyawQkTcOBQy_7GxEPt2WXAAKTVf
5-3fa0kg_WaDzjGWcQHrkeuuSGrDeoa_B6vijOFfN68mK5LCy09V4BNhOixtqBlW5jcAZDTi_-qE
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AhF8wpkhTd4SvfSqytp4DHCsnYCP4THT9VvaPgUUAn-G0REKF-wFcfV7WMCyNDn6m0pN-__gEAsH
4K> Yasha Levine
Jul 11
For something a little different, I’m republishing a hybrid book review
slash essay on democracy by my friend
<https://email.mg2.substack.com/c/eJwlUMuOhCAQ_Bo5GkCckQOHvcxvGIRWe0fBQDMT_3
5xTfpSnarUw1mCJabTHDETKxnSiN48es25Zt4oL4Z-YJjHOQHsFjdDqQA7yrShs4QxXPxOd5ytRg
32oaSW2kkuesGV1zDM1lkOeu74xC6T0RaPEBwY-EA6YwC2mZXoyE3308hXPfoiEaTWxb2iOE_nHN
MU45uhkVxy_hSCS6U61Yo2wPLrSgAhG8X3Rba5TJmse19ylsyOCe3-qZZYCfGgGDYMUHV01Rgray
8B6Rwh2GkDfzeke5H_xHQeYAJ88wZXrvt51X7qoRtYNfSxbhPMafNq_wDF_nVU> Joe
Costello. Joe’s been around politics and thinking about politics pretty much
his entire life. Anything that he writes is worth reading slowly and
carefully — especially
<https://email.mg2.substack.com/c/eJxFUEluxCAQfI05Wixe4MAhUjTfsDD0zJCwWNBM5N
8HZw6R-lRd1V1V1iA8cjn1kSuSVqFs3ullVpQq4vTkmJwl8XW7F4BofNBYGpCj7cFbgz6niy-UoO
Sp3WrlypRg0q2STUpYJxfJGBcLM3yeyPVkM815SBY0vKCcOQEJ-ol41EF8DPzW5zAHlDrWWtJoc-
xIzUH8L-w9DuJm9orFWOwGBvHJ1SJnuhCvOeWUroxRPk1iGtmY4PFlWwLGh4nGBx9r61Jjv6_jpO
joizfx1U35TsgH5hR8gq7DK-jWWbElj-cGyewB3LsDfHf2lwnPA3SCnxoAEcobvIpZlRSS9Icu9_
aSPk19ml_VDH58> his work on the politics of technology, which I highly
recommend.
Joe
<https://email.mg2.substack.com/c/eJxFUEtuxCAMPU1YRnySTLJgUamaa0QOODO0BBCYqX
L7ks6illf2s9_HAOEj5lOnWIjVgnl1Vk_jwvnCrB6smMeZubLuGfEA5zXliizVzTsD5GK48GpRnD
21HTdhphF3A2KfJef7MsGuFKBUdjaWXSQrVOswGNT4wnzGgMzrJ1Eqnfro5L11goS59KXk0Jt4tE
mJXv0vzH506g5boQyGmoBOfarx1mpkTkvemG9CcDkMauhFH_DxZWpAIbuBHw_Zl9pOwXxfz1nWh8
sOjlcT5RogJorBu4Dtji6ja0MdNTg6VwywebTvDOid2Z8nOhPqgD_FIxHm9_AK5rbMamaN0MaWXt
AnlCf8AswEgE0> wrote this about a month before Minneapolis broke out in
anti-racism and anti-police riots and protests — a surge that then spread
all across America. So it fits into our current political moment.
Joe frequently talks about the fact that no one remembers anything anymore.
For a long time, I used to think that this was a condition peculiar to the
immigrant experience. When my family got here, our knowledge of America
began with what we saw when we arrived in 1990. To us, Clinton-style
neoliberalism was the baseline for American political culture. We had no
personal awareness of this country’s past or that things could ever have
been different. But as Joe points out, this lack of historical memory is an
integral part of what it means to be American. So we immigrants are off the
hook!
Anyway, check out his review. It’s great.
—Yasha Levine
_____
<https://email.mg2.substack.com/c/eJxFUEtuxCAMPU1YRnySTLJgUamaa0QOODO0BBCYqX
L7ks6illf2s9_HAOEj5lOnWIjVgnl1Vk_jwvnCrB6smMeZubLuGfEA5zXliizVzTsD5GK48GpRnD
21HTdhphF3A2KfJef7MsGuFKBUdjaWXSQrVOswGNT4wnzGgMzrJ1Eqnfro5L11goS59KXk0Jt4tE
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sOjlcT5RogJorBu4Dtji6ja0MdNTg6VwywebTvDOid2Z8nOhPqgD_FIxHm9_AK5rbMamaN0MaWXt
AnlCf8AswEgE0> Review of Charles Payne's,
<https://email.mg2.substack.com/c/eJxFUEtuxCAMPU1YRnySTLJgUamaa0QOODO0BBCYqX
L7ks6illf2s9_HAOEj5lOnWIjVgnl1Vk_jwvnCrB6smMeZubLuGfEA5zXliizVzTsD5GK48GpRnD
21HTdhphF3A2KfJef7MsGuFKBUdjaWXSQrVOswGNT4wnzGgMzrJ1Eqnfro5L11goS59KXk0Jt4tE
mJXv0vzH506g5boQyGmoBOfarx1mpkTkvemG9CcDkMauhFH_DxZWpAIbuBHw_Zl9pOwXxfz1nWh8
sOjlcT5RogJorBu4Dtji6ja0MdNTg6VwywebTvDOid2Z8nOhPqgD_FIxHm9_AK5rbMamaN0MaWXt
AnlCf8AswEgE0> I've Got the Light of Freedom
By Joe Costello
April 16, 2020
This little light of mine
I'm gonna let it shine
I've got the light of freedom
—
<https://email.mg2.substack.com/c/eJwlUMuOhCAQ_Bo5GhBk9MBhN5P5hL0SxFbZVTDQjO
vfL65JnypVXQ9rEOYQT7WHhCQniNqNSrY9pT0ZlRhZ13bEJT1FgM24VWHMQPY8rM4adMFffN5zSh
ZFeybax2Rl2wkjrWRSwNQPnZGTAcEkuUy0yaMDb0HBG-IZPJBVLYh7qvhH1bzKHcdRnyFjHqC2Yb
sQg3ap-Otd8efv4r7k81MvugRTDW0ofTBGGyG4qFntYf622QNrKkG3ualTHhIa-3O9IlFtLjqzvU
sEVwhhx-BX56Ho8KqlC2vL3uGpwZthhfFujPdC_w3w3EF5ONIKiBBv8Jrh0Xe8I8VwDGUrr06TFv
MHhuN51Q> Traditional
Across three thousand years of recorded Western history, democracy is an
anomaly. Just as rare are good books on the culture, structure, and
processes of democracy. As someone who spent a lifetime studying and
progressively incapable of practicing democracy, I can recommend only a
handful of truly good books on the subject. They would include; Livy's Rome,
Thomas Jefferson's letters, Hannah Arendt's On Revolution, Stephen Cohen's
Bukharin, Lawrence Goodwyn's The Populist Moment, and the French aristocrat
Tocqueville's exceptional Democracy in America. To this list I add Professor
Charles Payne's extraordinary book, I've Got the Light of Freedom, a
wonderful history of the American Civil Rights Movement, offering invaluable
understandings of and lessons in democracy.
Immersed in our degraded political culture today, a person finds it
difficult to appreciate only fifty years ago the United States experienced
one of the great democratic movements of world history. Payne's book records
some of the thinking, discussions, and actions of the multitudes of people
across the small towns and communities of the South, who came together and
seized their democratic rights. Most essentially, the book offers lessons in
the processes of democratic organizing, a necessary first step to reviving,
reforming, and evolving democracy in America.
In a nation with no historical memory, or seemingly little memory at all for
that matter, what little is remembered of the Civil Rights Movement is all
rolled into one man, Dr. Martin Luther King. Even that is generous. It's
entirely accurate to say what's popularly remembered is a few phrases from
one speech. Dr King deserves the greatest respect, but he was not the
movement. Payne explains, “The undervaluation of the leadership role played
by ordinary people corresponded to an over concentration of the role of
national leaders, Dr. King in particular.” Or as movement organizer Diane
Nash said, “If people understood the movement, they wouldn't ask, 'When will
we get another leader like that?; they would ask, 'What can I do?'”
Payne focuses his story in Mississippi, a state with the well deserved
reputation of being the most violent, oppressive, and racially vile in the
Union. He begins with the movement's long roots, reaching across the first
half of the 20th century. Tales told of numerous individuals standing up in
their communities. Payne emphasizes the importance of community in the rural
South. How the practices and traditions of community were essential in
shaping the democratic character of the movement itself, how, “...the
historical vision of ex-slaves, men and women who understood that, for them,
maintaining a deep sense of community was itself an act of resistance.”
The culture and ways of community provided a political tradition that was,
“...part of a code of conduct which helped an oppressed people give back to
one another some of the self-respect the racial system was trying to squeeze
out of them, a profoundly democratic tradition holding that every man and
woman, merely by virtue of being that, is entitled to some regard.”
The book astutely identifies the mores and traditions, including
Christianity, of southern Black community as essential elements for the
movement's democratic character. “If humanism is belief in the essential
oneness of humankind, then one traditional strand of southern Black culture
was a visceral humanism, a dearly bought, broad perspective on human
behavior that militated against thinking about people in one dimensional
terms.” This included not simply understanding the humanity of their fellow
Blacks, but the humanity of White racists.
This is in direct opposition to many of the so-called educated histories of
the movement, which hold southern racists up to ridicule, not giving “them
credit for being complex or understanding the cross pressures under which
they were operating...racists pictured as stupid, vulgar, and one
dimensional, is one of the hoariest conventions about civil rights and one
of the most destructive.” Here is one of the reasons for the present
degradation of democracy in America. The appreciation for human complexity
has been lost, replaced by simplistic, comfortingly destructive stereotypes.
Community may be the most difficult element for today's America to
understand. Our community values have been destroyed by industry, broadcast
media, and now, commanding information technologies. To paraphrase Lawrence
Goodwyn's amusing insight on culture, not only are we confused on the idea
of community, our confusion makes it difficult for us even to imagine our
confusion.
One of the movement's greatest democratic thinkers and practitioners was
Ella Baker. Born at the beginning of the 20th century, Baker was raised in
the small town of Littleton, North Carolina. After graduating from Shaw
College, she moved to New York, where her ingrained community values served
her well, working with labor unions, economic cooperatives, and editing
newspapers. During this time, she came to understand the importance of the
tools of democracy, such as reading and writing, education, and how to
democratically organize.
At both its simplest and most powerful, democratic organizing is creating
connections between people. First and foremost, this means listening and
talking
to people, then listening and talking some more, and finally listening and
talking. The goals of democratic organizing Baker states, “In the long run
people themselves are the only protection they have against violence or
injustice...People have to be made to understand that they cannot look for
salvation anywhere but to themselves.” And by themselves she doesn't mean
the individual alone, but individuals organized together and collectively
acting. In the words of movement organizer Bob Moses, the real tools of
democracy are people.
To utilize the tools of democracy, Baker, just like Thomas Jefferson,
understood education was fundamental. From the Citizenship Schools formed by
Septima Clark in the 1930s to the Freedom Schools formed by the Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee(SNCC) in the 1960s, education is essential
to all organizing. Baker insisted, “Spend less time watching television and
more time reading about political and social issues; uninformed people
cannot participate in a democracy.” Which gets to the heart of the problem
of democracy in America today, Americans are immensely ignorant and
misinformed of almost every aspect of how the world operates.
Baker would spend a decade with the NAACP, become frustrated, and then help
Dr. King found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference(SCLC). She was
the first executive director. She quickly found SCLC too hierarchical, too
male, and too ignoring of her keen democratic insights. In 1960, at her alma
mater Shaw College, she helped found SNCC. Baker would say, SNCC
“...exercised the independence that only young people or the unattached,
those not caught up in a framework of thought, can exercise.”
With SNCC's founding, Payne focuses on their voter registration efforts in
Greenwood, Mississippi. Action is the final step of all organizing. After
listening and talking, education, meetings upon meetings, and a meeting can
be between just two people, comes action, in this case, registering people
to vote.
Payne brilliantly tells the stories of SNCC's disciplined organizational
“spadework.” The stories of young SNCC organizers like Bob Moses and Stokely
Carmichael connecting with older local Mississippians such as Amizee Moore,
Fannie Lou Hamer, and the community of Greenwood. Spadework grew these
connections, creating a network to support action. Moses defines spadework:
“I just don't see anything to be substituted for having people understand
their position and understand their potential power and how to use it. This
can only be done through the long route of actually organizing people in
small groups and parlaying those into large groups.”
The power of participation, engaging people in their everyday lives, creates
a discipline stripping away much of the unhelpful zealous noise of far too
much present politics. “Being forced to deal with the complex potential of
real individuals is, as Bob Moses said, one way to keep from going off on
tangents, ideological or otherwise. The common thread is a refusal to see
oneself as merely acted upon, as merely victim.”
Participating in actions against the American apartheid system meant
regularly being jailed and beaten, more than few lost their lives.
Hierarchical power is always upheld with some form of violence. Democracy
may be little understood, but violence is a well understood tool of power,
common to all hierarchical systems - all of them.
In an era filled with so much decrying of lack of leadership, we'd be
surprised to find it right under our noses, if, we develop a democratic
culture to facilitate its growth. McArthur Cotton another Greenwood SNCC
organizer recalls, “In many cases, SNCC did not so much develop leadership
as remove barriers, so that leadership already there might emerge.” As the
beautiful Ella Baker put it, “Strong people don't need strong leaders.”
Greenwood's efforts are just one of countless organizing campaigns that
occurred across the South, including school desegregation, sit-ins, and
uncounted boycotts of segregated businesses. In fact, Payne writes, “Most
Greenwood activists feel strongly that the immediate cause of real change,
change that they could feel in their daily lives, came in response to
economic pressure.”
Traditionally, the Civil Rights Movement's time frame is considered
beginning with the Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1955 and ending with the
signing of Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts a decade later. All movements
are ephemeral. They have their own life spans and the results of their
impact are measured by the long term structural changes they leave behind.
The movement's accomplishment's were many; ending most, certainly not all,
state sanctioned and codified racial segregation, opening the economy, and
giving the descendants of American slavery the political rights first seized
at the republic's founding.
There are plenty of lessons to learn from the decline of the movement,
including the growth of internal doctrinairism and factionalism. Also, the
movement became overshadowed by America's great bourgeois cultural
revolution, which birthed from the movement. Ella Baker sums up the
movement's decline simply, “In later years, the right of people to
participate in decisions that affect their lives began to be translated into
the idea that each person working had a right to decide what ought to be
done. So you began to do your own thing.” There was no greater rot to
democracy in America than the “do your own thing” ethos that infected
American culture in the second half of the 1960s and 1970s.
Unfortunately, the movement's success came just as much of the politics of
the old republic were failing and the industrial economy was beginning to
shrink. Starting in the mid-1960s, America began dismantling our industrial
infrastructure. Payne points out it was the mechanization of cotton, and
agriculture as whole, that played a major role in helping instigate southern
Blacks' struggle for political power. He writes, “By the 1960s, modernized
plantations found they needed barely a fifth of their former work
force...the collapse of the cotton economy led to less need to control
Blacks, either through the near peonage of share-cropping or through
violence.” This created a certain independence for growing numbers of
southern Blacks from their previously overwhelming economic subjugation to
Whites.
However, the literal industrial engines that produced the wealth of America
in the first six decades of the 20th century, by the mid-1960s, began to be
dismantled, moved off-shore, or transformed by automation. American industry
provided the greatest material cornucopia in human history. Yet, even at its
height, wealth distribution was massively unequal, leaving large segments of
the population in poverty. The removing of state sanctioned racial
segregation allowed a significantly greater number of people access to an
economic pie beginning to shrink, helping fuel a new reactionary politics of
White resentment. Fifty years on, this politics remains vigorously
destructive. The deindustrialization of America strangled at birth economic
opportunity for many of the movement's newly enfranchised citizenry.
Just as importantly, the newly enfranchised entered a political system
quickly changing, and not for the better. The American republic was founded
at the end of the Agrarian Era, a ten thousand year period where homo
sapiens moved from hunter-gatherers to farmers. The new republic, its
democratic institutions firmly of the Agrarian Era, had at best a fitful
relationship to the burgeoning Industrial Era. Then in the 20th century came
the onslaught of electronic media. Most detrimental for democracy was the
eventual domination of television as the almost exclusive medium for
political “news.”
Payne has some wonderful insights on television's role in the movement and
paradoxically TV's destructive influence on our politics. Certainly,
television played a major role revealing to the rest of the country the
violence of the apartheid South. Television was strategically utilized by
the movement for that very purpose. However, Payne importantly points out,
“One of the persistent movement criticisms of the national press corps—the
very idea of a 'national press corps' grew partly out of the movement—is
that the press focused on big dramatic events while neglecting the processes
that led to them.”
The long hard work of democratic organizing was never covered by television.
Humorously enough, the 1960s cultural revolution, which grew out of the
movement's shaking of the bottom of America's established social and
political orders, came to see the media event as the pinnacle of politics.
Democratic organizing instantly became a lost art, replaced by made for TV
events, soundbites, and thirty second ads. With television triumphant,
democracy declined and diminished.
Certainly the mass of local community associations, which Tocqueville
correctly
noted as the key to the early 19th century agrarian republic's
self-government, all declined as industry proliferated across the American
landscape in the second half of the century. Their 20th century successors,
from local political parties to the Elks Clubs, television destroyed. In
these associations resided the democratic connections, the face to face
networking, the listening and talking, that enabled the discussion necessary
for any democracy. All lost, replaced by television's superficial authority
and the processes of marketing and advertising. For all the talk about “fake
news” today, we have been awash in the ballyhoo of advertising for over a
century.
Paul Good covered the movement as a correspondent for ABC News and offers an
insightful critique of television's coverage, not just of the movement, but
of politics in general. Good states, “A policy of crisis reporting, moving
on a story as it boiled up, quickly dropping it the moment its supposed
interest had died and racing off to a newer crisis....Our procedure crimped
perspective and often substituted the superficial glance for the needed long
look.”
Technology's role in changing the old cotton economy and television's place,
both in the movement and politics in general, are examples of the completely
ignored politics of technology. Once adopted into society, all technologies
have determining political implications. If we are to in anyway revive
democracy in America, this is an essential subject to understand, especially
in an era where new information technologies reshape every aspect of human
society. Ruefully, community destroying broadcast media, today are replaced
by the non-ironically labeled “social media” of digital technology.
Finally, the Civil Rights Movement's newly enfranchised citizens encountered
a republic that always lacked the structures necessary to take advantage of
the democratic culture and processes the movement had developed. The
sublimely democratic Ella Baker already understood this. In 1964, she
cautioned the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party on their way to the
Democratic Convention in Atlantic City, “...that while they were able to
elect their own representatives, that wouldn't be the end of their troubles;
elected representatives had to be watched....We must be careful lest we
elect to represent us people who, for the first time, feel their sense of
importance and will represent themselves before they represent you.”
Not coincidentally, in the middle of the Mississippi struggle, the great
democratic thinker Hannah Arendt published On Revolution. She notes one
great fault of America's founders was the absence of a role for townships
and citizen councils, the very democratic structures that both preceded the
republic and catalyzed it into existence. Arendt writes:
“...the state and federal governments, the proudest results of revolution,
through sheer weight of their proper business were bound to overshadow in
political importance the townships and their meeting halls...one might even
come to the conclusion that there was less opportunity for the exercise of
public freedom and the enjoyment of public happiness in the republic of the
United States than there had existed in the colonies of British America.
Lewis Mumford recently pointed out how the political importance of the
township was never grasped by the founders, and that the failure to
incorporate it into either the federal or the state constitutions was 'one
of the tragic oversights of post-revolutionary political development'.”
In the last decade of his life, Jefferson returned to this flaw over and
over again, writing every citizen needed to be a “participator in the
government of affairs, not merely at an election one day in the year, but
every day.” For this to happen, Jefferson, uniquely among the republic's
founding pantheon, understood the established constitution needed revision.
Two and half centuries later, it should be clear to all. The great success
of the organized democracy of the Civil Rights Movement ran square into the
limitations of the republic and our democratic decline.
_____
You can follow Joe Costello
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or reach him at joecostello@xxxxxxxxx.
_____
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