[UntirtaNet] Surprise Best Seller Blames U.S.

The New York Times
May 4, 2002

THINK TANK

Surprise Best Seller Blames U.S.

By Michael Massing

   In the weeks after the Sept. 11 attacks, Noam Chomsky, the M.I.T.
linguist
and political provocateur, was constantly on the telephone, giving
interviews to
news organizations. In late September, he received an e-mail message from
Greg
Ruggiero, a senior editor of Seven Stories Press, a New York publisher. The
editor of a series of political pamphlets for Seven Stories, Mr. Ruggiero
had
published several Chomsky pamphlets and said he wanted to publish something
quickly about Sept. 11.

   During the next few weeks, Mr. Ruggiero edited several of the interviews
Professor Chomsky had given, and supplemented them with his own questions.
On
Oct. 15, just as the war in Afghanistan was beginning, the resulting
125-page
pocket-size paperback went to the printer.

    "9-11," as the volume is titled, analyzes the attacks from the
distinctive
perspective that Professor Chomsky has honed in more than a dozen books.
While
the attacks were "horrifying atrocities," he writes, "we can think of the
United
States as an innocent victim only if we adopt the convenient path of
ignoring
the record of its actions and those of its allies."

   The United States, he asserts, is "a leading terrorist state," basing his
opinion on actions like its interventions in Central America, its imposition
of
sanctions on Iraq, its support for General Suharto in  Indonesia  and its
backing of what he calls "Israeli atrocities" in the occupied territories.

   As for Afghanistan, Professor Chomsky argued against military action,
maintaining that an attack by the United States would probably kill
"enormous
numbers" of "innocent civilians." At a time when American flags were popping
up
on T-shirts and car antennas, publishing such an analysis hardly seemed
propitious. "People said it would have no success whatsoever," said Daniel
Simon, the publisher of Seven Stories, "because most Americans were
lock-step
behind the war."

   As soon as the volume hit bookstores, however, it began selling briskly,
and
it hasn't stopped. More than 115,000 copies have been shipped to stores,
said
Kim Wylie, senior vice president of Publishers Group West, which distributes
the
book and has had a hard time keeping up with the demand. The paperback has
also
been published in 22 countries and has been a best seller in 5 of them. In
the
United States, it has made the best-seller lists of The Washington Post, The
Los
Angeles Times, The Boston Globe, The Village Voice and Amazon.com.

   The book is a swift seller at independent bookstores. Labyrinth Books,
near
Columbia University, has sold more than 380 copies of "9-11," making it the
best-selling nonfiction book (aside from those required for courses) in the
store's five-year history. The St. Mark's Bookshop in the East Village has
sold
870 copies. At Kramerbooks in Washington, "9-11" has far outsold all other
books
about Sept. 11.

   "It just sits there on the register and sells," said Mitch Brown, the
store's
general manager. And at Prairie Lights in Iowa City, the book is "going like
gangbusters," said Terry Cain, a store manager. "It's doing really well for
a
book that's not hot fiction or endorsed by Oprah."

   Bookstore chains have also reported strong sales. Barnes & Noble has sold
about 14,000 copies. And though New York, Los Angeles and other large cities
account for the bulk of those sales, "9-11" is also doing well at Barnes &
Noble
in cities like Minneapolis-St. Paul (250 copies), Houston (200) and
Columbus,
Ohio (130). Such a performance -- considered extraordinary in the publishing
world for a quick political book -- has come despite limited promotion and
few
reviews. Aside from a plaudit in The San Francisco Chronicle and a pan in
The
Philadelphia Inquirer, "9-11" has received little attention in the
mainstream
press. (This is true of most of Professor Chomsky's books, which editors
commonly regard as too extreme to merit comment.)

   Many who have bought the book are probably longtime Chomsky fans.
Professor
Chomsky has long had a loyal following on campuses, and his latest book has
done
especially well in college bookstores. But the sales volume suggests that
his
book is appealing to "a much broader audience," Ms. Wylie said.

   Seeking to explain the book's success, booksellers cite its succinct
title,
striking cover (a stark black-and-white picture of the twin towers before
the
attacks), low price ($8.95) and accessible question-and-answer format.
"People
are coming in every day, asking, 'What can I read that can give me some
understanding of what's happening?' " said Virginia Harabin, the floor
manager
at the Politics and Prose Bookstore in Washington. "This is the one I
recommend."

   Mr. Chomsky sees the success of "9-11" as part of a more general
phenomenon.
"Sept. 11 was a wake-up call," he said. "It raised questions in people's
minds
they had never really thought about before. They're concerned, confused and
angry."

   These sentiments come from far beyond the usual core of Chomsky readers.
"I've gotten hundreds, maybe thousands, of letters from people saying they
had
never before heard anything like what I'm saying," Professor Chomsky said.

   Many, though, find his analysis off the wall. " '9-11' is not a normal
book,"
said Susie Linfield, who teaches cultural reporting and criticism in the New
York University department of journalism. "It's a series of questions and
answers. It reminds me of the old Kim Il Sung tracts -- sayings of the great
man," she added, referring to the founding leader of North Korea. What's
more,
she said, "Chomsky's view of the world is that all evil emanates from one
source: U.S. power. So in the case of Sept. 11, Osama bin Laden is entirely
a
creature of the United States."

   "It's a compelling world view," Professor Linfield noted, "but a wrong
one."

   A survey of more than 80 reader comments posted on Amazon's Web site
showed
sharply divided views. "Chomsky's a truth-seeker in a world full of lies,"
one
reader stated. "His arguments cut through all the rubbish and nonsense we're
all
exposed to here in the United States every day and present an alternative,
informed perspective."

   Nearly as many reviews were dismissive. "I imagine that he would blame a
woman for getting raped, too," wrote a reader from Boston. "Can't he find
the
dustbin of history and take up residence there?" Others accused Mr. Chomsky
of
trying to cash in on the attack.

   Hate the book or love it, readers keep buying it. As Mr. Ruggiero of
Seven
Stories observed: "People want alternatives. In times of war, that's when
people
trust the media the least."

---------------------------------------------------------------

The New York Times
May 4, 2002

Editorial

New Era in War Crimes Justice

In the aftermath of World War II and the Nuremberg tribunal, the idea arose
of creating a permanent international criminal court that could try the most
heinous international criminals. The plan foundered during 50 years of
superpower rivalry. The end of the cold war and an explosion of ethnic
brutality led to ad hoc tribunals for Rwanda and Yugoslavia. But there was
no mechanism for trying Idi Amin or Saddam Hussein or others who evade their
nations' justice.

The world's helplessness in the face of such crimes against humanity changed
last month after more than 60 countries ratified a treaty creating a
permanent international criminal court. The court's jurisdiction begins on
July 1. Any individual who commits genocide, war crimes or crimes against
humanity from that day on should fear prosecution.

President Clinton signed the treaty, but the Senate has never ratified it.
The court has provoked powerful opposition in the Pentagon, Congress and now
the Bush administration. There are unreasonable fears that Americans could
be taken before the tribunal on politically motivated charges. Washington
applied unseemly pressure to even close allies in an attempt to stop the
court. Now that those efforts have failed, the Bush administration should
recognize that to help make the court as fair and effective as possible is
in American interest.

Unfortunately, the administration is seriously considering reversing
President Clinton's signature. No country has ever unsigned a treaty - it is
not clear if such a thing exists. If Washington does withdraw its signature,
that will not annul the court, but it could encourage other nations to
remove their signatures from treaties that America supports.

The fear in Washington is that American soldiers abroad could be charged
unjustly with war crimes. Such a possibility is remote. The court already
contains strong safeguards that ensure that it will deal only with the most
serious of international crimes and can take a case only if a nation's own
judicial system has declined to carry out a conscientious investigation of
the charges. The Rwanda and former Yugoslavia tribunals, which have rendered
fair and responsible judgments, show that America has little to fear from
such a court.

During the Clinton administration, Washington's proposals greatly improved
the court's rules. The Bush administration ought not to miss the chance to
affect the selection of judges and definition of new crimes - issues that
matter to America.

By depriving tyrants of a safe haven from prosecution, the court might deter
some of the atrocities that end up demanding Washington's involvement.
America has much to gain from the establishment of the international court,
and it will be best positioned to benefit if Washington drops its
unwarranted opposition.



-----------------
Forwarded Message:
Subj: NYT: Surprise Best Seller Blames U.S. for Terrorism [+Editorial: War
Crimes]
Date: 04/05/2002 15:24:26 Eastern Daylight Time
From: Joyo


also: NYT: Editorial: New Era in War Crimes Justice

The New York Times
May 4, 2002

THINK TANK

Surprise Best Seller Blames U.S.

By Michael Massing

   In the weeks after the Sept. 11 attacks, Noam Chomsky, the M.I.T.
linguist
and political provocateur, was constantly on the telephone, giving
interviews to
news organizations. In late September, he received an e-mail message from
Greg
Ruggiero, a senior editor of Seven Stories Press, a New York publisher. The
editor of a series of political pamphlets for Seven Stories, Mr. Ruggiero
had
published several Chomsky pamphlets and said he wanted to publish something
quickly about Sept. 11.

   During the next few weeks, Mr. Ruggiero edited several of the interviews
Professor Chomsky had given, and supplemented them with his own questions.
On
Oct. 15, just as the war in Afghanistan was beginning, the resulting
125-page
pocket-size paperback went to the printer.

    "9-11," as the volume is titled, analyzes the attacks from the
distinctive
perspective that Professor Chomsky has honed in more than a dozen books.
While
the attacks were "horrifying atrocities," he writes, "we can think of the
United
States as an innocent victim only if we adopt the convenient path of
ignoring
the record of its actions and those of its allies."

   The United States, he asserts, is "a leading terrorist state," basing his
opinion on actions like its interventions in Central America, its imposition
of
sanctions on Iraq, its support for General Suharto in  Indonesia  and its
backing of what he calls "Israeli atrocities" in the occupied territories.

   As for Afghanistan, Professor Chomsky argued against military action,
maintaining that an attack by the United States would probably kill
"enormous
numbers" of "innocent civilians." At a time when American flags were popping
up
on T-shirts and car antennas, publishing such an analysis hardly seemed
propitious. "People said it would have no success whatsoever," said Daniel
Simon, the publisher of Seven Stories, "because most Americans were
lock-step
behind the war."

   As soon as the volume hit bookstores, however, it began selling briskly,
and
it hasn't stopped. More than 115,000 copies have been shipped to stores,
said
Kim Wylie, senior vice president of Publishers Group West, which distributes
the
book and has had a hard time keeping up with the demand. The paperback has
also
been published in 22 countries and has been a best seller in 5 of them. In
the
United States, it has made the best-seller lists of The Washington Post, The
Los
Angeles Times, The Boston Globe, The Village Voice and Amazon.com.

   The book is a swift seller at independent bookstores. Labyrinth Books,
near
Columbia University, has sold more than 380 copies of "9-11," making it the
best-selling nonfiction book (aside from those required for courses) in the
store's five-year history. The St. Mark's Bookshop in the East Village has
sold
870 copies. At Kramerbooks in Washington, "9-11" has far outsold all other
books
about Sept. 11.

   "It just sits there on the register and sells," said Mitch Brown, the
store's
general manager. And at Prairie Lights in Iowa City, the book is "going like
gangbusters," said Terry Cain, a store manager. "It's doing really well for
a
book that's not hot fiction or endorsed by Oprah."

   Bookstore chains have also reported strong sales. Barnes & Noble has sold
about 14,000 copies. And though New York, Los Angeles and other large cities
account for the bulk of those sales, "9-11" is also doing well at Barnes &
Noble
in cities like Minneapolis-St. Paul (250 copies), Houston (200) and
Columbus,
Ohio (130). Such a performance -- considered extraordinary in the publishing
world for a quick political book -- has come despite limited promotion and
few
reviews. Aside from a plaudit in The San Francisco Chronicle and a pan in
The
Philadelphia Inquirer, "9-11" has received little attention in the
mainstream
press. (This is true of most of Professor Chomsky's books, which editors
commonly regard as too extreme to merit comment.)

   Many who have bought the book are probably longtime Chomsky fans.
Professor
Chomsky has long had a loyal following on campuses, and his latest book has
done
especially well in college bookstores. But the sales volume suggests that
his
book is appealing to "a much broader audience," Ms. Wylie said.

   Seeking to explain the book's success, booksellers cite its succinct
title,
striking cover (a stark black-and-white picture of the twin towers before
the
attacks), low price ($8.95) and accessible question-and-answer format.
"People
are coming in every day, asking, 'What can I read that can give me some
understanding of what's happening?' " said Virginia Harabin, the floor
manager
at the Politics and Prose Bookstore in Washington. "This is the one I
recommend."

   Mr. Chomsky sees the success of "9-11" as part of a more general
phenomenon.
"Sept. 11 was a wake-up call," he said. "It raised questions in people's
minds
they had never really thought about before. They're concerned, confused and
angry."

   These sentiments come from far beyond the usual core of Chomsky readers.
"I've gotten hundreds, maybe thousands, of letters from people saying they
had
never before heard anything like what I'm saying," Professor Chomsky said.

   Many, though, find his analysis off the wall. " '9-11' is not a normal
book,"
said Susie Linfield, who teaches cultural reporting and criticism in the New
York University department of journalism. "It's a series of questions and
answers. It reminds me of the old Kim Il Sung tracts -- sayings of the great
man," she added, referring to the founding leader of North Korea. What's
more,
she said, "Chomsky's view of the world is that all evil emanates from one
source: U.S. power. So in the case of Sept. 11, Osama bin Laden is entirely
a
creature of the United States."

   "It's a compelling world view," Professor Linfield noted, "but a wrong
one."

   A survey of more than 80 reader comments posted on Amazon's Web site
showed
sharply divided views. "Chomsky's a truth-seeker in a world full of lies,"
one
reader stated. "His arguments cut through all the rubbish and nonsense we're
all
exposed to here in the United States every day and present an alternative,
informed perspective."

   Nearly as many reviews were dismissive. "I imagine that he would blame a
woman for getting raped, too," wrote a reader from Boston. "Can't he find
the
dustbin of history and take up residence there?" Others accused Mr. Chomsky
of
trying to cash in on the attack.

   Hate the book or love it, readers keep buying it. As Mr. Ruggiero of
Seven
Stories observed: "People want alternatives. In times of war, that's when
people
trust the media the least."

---------------------------------------------------------------

The New York Times
May 4, 2002

Editorial

New Era in War Crimes Justice

In the aftermath of World War II and the Nuremberg tribunal, the idea arose
of creating a permanent international criminal court that could try the most
heinous international criminals. The plan foundered during 50 years of
superpower rivalry. The end of the cold war and an explosion of ethnic
brutality led to ad hoc tribunals for Rwanda and Yugoslavia. But there was
no mechanism for trying Idi Amin or Saddam Hussein or others who evade their
nations' justice.

The world's helplessness in the face of such crimes against humanity changed
last month after more than 60 countries ratified a treaty creating a
permanent international criminal court. The court's jurisdiction begins on
July 1. Any individual who commits genocide, war crimes or crimes against
humanity from that day on should fear prosecution.

President Clinton signed the treaty, but the Senate has never ratified it.
The court has provoked powerful opposition in the Pentagon, Congress and now
the Bush administration. There are unreasonable fears that Americans could
be taken before the tribunal on politically motivated charges. Washington
applied unseemly pressure to even close allies in an attempt to stop the
court. Now that those efforts have failed, the Bush administration should
recognize that to help make the court as fair and effective as possible is
in American interest.

Unfortunately, the administration is seriously considering reversing
President Clinton's signature. No country has ever unsigned a treaty - it is
not clear if such a thing exists. If Washington does withdraw its signature,
that will not annul the court, but it could encourage other nations to
remove their signatures from treaties that America supports.

The fear in Washington is that American soldiers abroad could be charged
unjustly with war crimes. Such a possibility is remote. The court already
contains strong safeguards that ensure that it will deal only with the most
serious of international crimes and can take a case only if a nation's own
judicial system has declined to carry out a conscientious investigation of
the charges. The Rwanda and former Yugoslavia tribunals, which have rendered
fair and responsible judgments, show that America has little to fear from
such a court.

During the Clinton administration, Washington's proposals greatly improved
the court's rules. The Bush administration ought not to miss the chance to
affect the selection of judges and definition of new crimes - issues that
matter to America.

By depriving tyrants of a safe haven from prosecution, the court might deter
some of the atrocities that end up demanding Washington's involvement.
America has much to gain from the establishment of the international court,
and it will be best positioned to benefit if Washington drops its
unwarranted opposition.


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